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Fact Finding Report About Attack On Murle People

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The atrocious attack by the Nuer on 5-12 March on Murle people of Pibor County, Jonglei State which resulted to the death of 750 people, is now known to have occurred with full knowledge of the Commander of the 8th Divion of SPLA force, Gen Bol Koang, a Nuer. A number of Nuer army and police officers were among the attackers and bodied of officers and men in uniforms were identified among the attackers who were killed.

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20th/March/2009

H. E Dr. Riek Machar Teny Dhorgon

Vice president of Government of Southern Sudan

Subject:- Fact Finding Committee Report on the 8th. March.2009 Lou Nuer Attack on Likwangole Payam in Pibor County .

The Committee arrived on a chartered plane from Juba to Pibor at around 3:00 Pm on

15th. March. 2009

Day 1 Sunday 15th.March.2009 Pibor County

Upon arrival the Committee proceeded to the commissioner’s resident and held a meeting with the County Security Committee under the chairmanship of the County Commissioner . <!–
D([“mb”,”\u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003eDuring the meeting the Committee listened to the security committee report on the Lou Nuer attack which started from Nanam on 6\u003csup\u003eth\u003c/sup\u003e.March 2009 and pushed its way to Likwangole Payam occupying it on 8\u003csup\u003eth\u003c/sup\u003e.March.2009\nburning the SPLM Flags and destroying hospital, Schools, shopping\ncentre, Payam administration offices and looting Copi and MSF\ncompounds. \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003eThe\nLou Nuer invaders captured Likwangole Payam killing one official and\ntown chief; While SPLA Battalion deployed to protect and defend\nLikwangole Payam remained in their barrack without any attempt of\ndefending the Payam. When the Payam executive director requested a\nforce to defend the Payam, the commanding officer of Battalion 358 of\nbrigade 47 in Division 8 Col. Juma Kadai Korok told executive officer\nthat they were ordered not to get involved in the tribal fighting and\nthat they should not defend Likwangole. The orders were given to them\nby SPLA Division 8 commander Maj. Gen. Bol Kong. \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003eOn 9\u003csup\u003eth\u003c/sup\u003e.March.2009,\na group of 45 attackers reported to the garrison, when reported to\ndivision 8 commanders Maj. Gen. Bol Kong, he issued orders to the\nbattalion commander to provide a protection to this group of Lou Nuer\nattackers and that they should not be beaten even. \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003e\u003cb\u003e\u003cu\u003e\u003cspan style\u003d\”font-size:14pt\”\u003eDay 2 Monday, 16\u003csup\u003eth\u003c/sup\u003e.March.2009  Likwangole Payam\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/u\u003e\u003c/b\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\”\u003e \u003c/font\u003e\u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003eThe\ncommittee arrived to Likwangole at 10:30 am and proceeded to the first\nresistant line of Likwangole Payam at water pump which is to the south\nwest Likwangole air strip. At the scene, the Committee found on the\nground some rotten bodies of 27 from Lou Nuer attackers and 5 bodies\nfrom the Murle including one small girl and a baby boy who were beaten\nto death by sticks. “,1]
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During the meeting the Committee listened to the security committee report on the Lou Nuer attack which started from Nanam on 6th.March 2009 and pushed its way to Likwangole Payam occupying it on 8th.March.2009 burning the SPLM Flags and destroying hospital, Schools, shopping centre, Payam administration offices and looting Copi and MSF compounds.

The Lou Nuer invaders captured Likwangole Payam killing one official and town chief; While SPLA Battalion deployed to protect and defend Likwangole Payam remained in their barrack without any attempt of defending the Payam. When the Payam executive director requested a force to defend the Payam, the commanding officer of Battalion 358 of brigade 47 in Division 8 Col. Juma Kadai Korok told executive officer that they were ordered not to get involved in the tribal fighting and that they should not defend Likwangole. The orders were given to them by SPLA Division 8 commander Maj. Gen. Bol Kong.

On 9th.March.2009, a group of 45 attackers reported to the garrison, when reported to division 8 commanders Maj. Gen. Bol Kong, he issued orders to the battalion commander to provide a protection to this group of Lou Nuer attackers and that they should not be beaten even.

Day 2 Monday, 16th.March.2009  Likwangole Payam

The committee arrived to Likwangole at 10:30 am and proceeded to the first resistant line of Likwangole Payam at water pump which is to the south west Likwangole air strip. At the scene, the Committee found on the ground some rotten bodies of 27 from Lou Nuer attackers and 5 bodies from the Murle including one small girl and a baby boy who were beaten to death by sticks. <!–
D([“mb”,”\u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003eThe committee then proceeded to Likwangole Payam military barrack and held a quick meeting with the officers. \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003eThe\ncommander of Battalion 358 Col. Juma Kadai Korok has been asked as to\nwhy he did not defended Likwangole Payam and its People? \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003e Col.\nJuma Kadai Korok replied saying that his division commander Maj. Gen.\nBol Kong issued orders that the force should not get involved in the\ntribal fighting and must not get out from the barrack. But when the Lou\nNuer attackers surrendered to the army in the barrack the division\ncommander ordered me to give protection to the surrendering Lou Nuer\nattackers group of 45 people, which I did. Among the 45 people there is\na woman. Of the 45 people from Lou Nuer attackers, one passed away and\n4 were evacuated to Juba for medical treatment remaining 40 people in\nthe barrack. \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003eAfter\nhaving meeting with the officers at the barrack the committee visited\nthe surrendering Lou Nuer attackers and from there the committee\nreturned to Likwangole Payam head quarters accompanied by Jonglei state\nsecurity committee headed by H.E peace advisor for Jonglei state Mr.\nJohn Jok and a team of UNMIS led by the UNMIS head officer in the state\nMr. At Payam head quarters, the committee held a joint meeting which\ninclude representatives of UNMIS, Jonglei security committee, UNICEF\nrepresentatives on one side and the executive director with head chief\nof Likwangole Payam on the other. \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003eDuring\nthe meeting the committee listened to Payam executive director who\nreported that the Lou Nuer attack started on 12/February/2009 on\nMamchilil grassing area which continued for two consecutive days,\nWomen, children and elderly were killed and some children and women\nwere taken by the attackers. The number of cows stolen on 12″,1]
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The committee then proceeded to Likwangole Payam military barrack and held a quick meeting with the officers.

The commander of Battalion 358 Col. Juma Kadai Korok has been asked as to why he did not defended Likwangole Payam and its People?

Col. Juma Kadai Korok replied saying that his division commander Maj. Gen. Bol Kong issued orders that the force should not get involved in the tribal fighting and must not get out from the barrack. But when the Lou Nuer attackers surrendered to the army in the barrack the division commander ordered me to give protection to the surrendering Lou Nuer attackers group of 45 people, which I did. Among the 45 people there is a woman. Of the 45 people from Lou Nuer attackers, one passed away and 4 were evacuated to Juba for medical treatment remaining 40 people in the barrack.

After having meeting with the officers at the barrack the committee visited the surrendering Lou Nuer attackers and from there the committee returned to Likwangole Payam head quarters accompanied by Jonglei state security committee headed by H.E peace advisor for Jonglei state Mr. John Jok and a team of UNMIS led by the UNMIS head officer in the state Mr. At Payam head quarters, the committee held a joint meeting which include representatives of UNMIS, Jonglei security committee, UNICEF representatives on one side and the executive director with head chief of Likwangole Payam on the other.

During the meeting the committee listened to Payam executive director who reported that the Lou Nuer attack started on 12/February/2009 on Mamchilil grassing area which continued for two consecutive days, Women, children and elderly were killed and some children and women were taken by the attackers. The number of cows stolen on 12<!–
D([“mb”,”\u003csup\u003eth\u003c/sup\u003e/Febuarary/2009\nattack were208, 108 head of cattle.  These cattle\u0026#39;s are stolen from two\nBomas of Kongor and Monchak. Kongor lost 11,719 while Monchak lost\n196,461. This attack was seen as a retaliation action by Lou Nuer to\nthe attack carried earlier by Murle to their area ignoring the appeal\nby Pibor county commissioner of recovering their cows, and while the\nMurle also took their earlier attack as revenge to 31\u003csup\u003est\u003c/sup\u003e.7.2007attack on Nyergeny Boma in\n Likwangole Payam. \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003eSecond\nattacks started on the 5th.March.2009 when a Lou Nuer mobilized armed\ncivilians were reportedly moving from three Lou Nuer Counties of Akobo,\nWuror and Nyirol. .The Lou Nuer attackers took Murle by surprise on the\nsame day 5\u003csup\u003eth\u003c/sup\u003e.March.2009 on a swift attack on Ngoyith,Bichibich, Lopilab, Mawuo and Rang grassing areas. \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003eOn 8\u003csup\u003eth\u003c/sup\u003e.March.2009\nthe Lou Nuer attack extended to Lekereth village pushing their way to\nLikwangole Payam. In Lekereth the Lou Nuer attackers forced women and\nchildren who they capture in Nanam into luaks and burn them alive. \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003eOn 9\u003csup\u003eth\u003c/sup\u003e.March.2009\nthe Lou Nuer attacked and captured Likwangole Payam burning SPLM flag\nin the Payam and destroying all government installations in the Payam\nand looting hospital, schools and the compounds of humanitarian\norganization operating in the Payam namely; Copi and MSF. The attackers\ncontinued their occupation of Likwangole Payam to the following day. \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003eOn 10\u003csup\u003eth\u003c/sup\u003e.March.2009\nthe Lou Nuer proceeded to Nyarath chi Eezo in Kong-Kong River and\nattacked Murle there killing women, children, elderly and some youth\nand looting cattles which they assembled in Likwangole Payam before\nthey drive them to their land. “,1]
);

//–>th/Febuarary/2009 attack were208, 108 head of cattle.  These cattle’s are stolen from two Bomas of Kongor and Monchak. Kongor lost 11,719 while Monchak lost 196,461. This attack was seen as a retaliation action by Lou Nuer to the attack carried earlier by Murle to their area ignoring the appeal by Pibor county commissioner of recovering their cows, and while the Murle also took their earlier attack as revenge to 31st.7.2007attack on Nyergeny Boma in Likwangole Payam.

Second attacks started on the 5th.March.2009 when a Lou Nuer mobilized armed civilians were reportedly moving from three Lou Nuer Counties of Akobo, Wuror and Nyirol. .The Lou Nuer attackers took Murle by surprise on the same day 5th.March.2009 on a swift attack on Ngoyith,Bichibich, Lopilab, Mawuo and Rang grassing areas.

On 8th.March.2009 the Lou Nuer attack extended to Lekereth village pushing their way to Likwangole Payam. In Lekereth the Lou Nuer attackers forced women and children who they capture in Nanam into luaks and burn them alive.

On 9th.March.2009 the Lou Nuer attacked and captured Likwangole Payam burning SPLM flag in the Payam and destroying all government installations in the Payam and looting hospital, schools and the compounds of humanitarian organization operating in the Payam namely; Copi and MSF. The attackers continued their occupation of Likwangole Payam to the following day.

On 10th.March.2009 the Lou Nuer proceeded to Nyarath chi Eezo in Kong-Kong River and attacked Murle there killing women, children, elderly and some youth and looting cattles which they assembled in Likwangole Payam before they drive them to their land. <!–
D([“mb”,”\u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003eDuring\nthe meeting Head Chief Mr. Abarchoch Lual of Likwangole Payam also\nspoke and said, Likwangole Payam was attacked and captured by Lou Nuer\nburning the SPLM Flag while SPLA forces in the area stood aside without\ndefending the Payam, SPLA forces also participated in the looting of\nthe Payam and they even protected the attackers while they were\nrefusing to protect us. \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003eThe\nattackers were in SPLA uniform and were coordinating their attack with\nthe Battalion who have directed them to the water pump in the airport\nand assured them of cooperation on their side. The evident is seen in\nthe fact that the attackers took all cows in side Likwangole Payam\nexcept those belonging to the Lou Nuer settlers and the army. \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003eIn\nthe light of the above facts, the head chief concluded that SPLA forces\nin the Payam are not deployed to protect the Payam and its People as a\nnational force, but they are there as tribal forces who identify\nthemselves with their tribes in any tribal conflict like this one. \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003eTherefore,\nthe head chief request SPLA command to withdraw these forces with their\ncommand immediately before they could take law into their hand and\nretaliate on these forces. \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003eAt\n3:45pm Jonglei state security committee and the UNMIS team returned to\nBor town on a UN helicopter and the fact finding committee returned to\nPibor on two hard top land cruisers. \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cb\u003e\u003cu\u003e\u003cspan style\u003d\”font-size:14pt\”\u003e\u003cfont face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003eDay 3 Tuesday, 17\u003csup\u003eth\u003c/sup\u003e.March.2009,  Pibor County \u003c/font\u003e”,1]
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During the meeting Head Chief Mr. Abarchoch Lual of Likwangole Payam also spoke and said, Likwangole Payam was attacked and captured by Lou Nuer burning the SPLM Flag while SPLA forces in the area stood aside without defending the Payam, SPLA forces also participated in the looting of the Payam and they even protected the attackers while they were refusing to protect us.

The attackers were in SPLA uniform and were coordinating their attack with the Battalion who have directed them to the water pump in the airport and assured them of cooperation on their side. The evident is seen in the fact that the attackers took all cows in side Likwangole Payam except those belonging to the Lou Nuer settlers and the army.

In the light of the above facts, the head chief concluded that SPLA forces in the Payam are not deployed to protect the Payam and its People as a national force, but they are there as tribal forces who identify themselves with their tribes in any tribal conflict like this one.

Therefore, the head chief request SPLA command to withdraw these forces with their command immediately before they could take law into their hand and retaliate on these forces.

At 3:45pm Jonglei state security committee and the UNMIS team returned to Bor town on a UN helicopter and the fact finding committee returned to Pibor on two hard top land cruisers.

Day 3 Tuesday, 17th.March.2009,  Pibor County <!–
D([“mb”,”\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/u\u003e\u003c/b\u003e \n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003eThe\nfact finding committee held a joint meeting with the commissioner,\ncounty security committee and the chiefs of Pibor county comprise of 41\nchiefs, 10 from Pibor Payam,  10 from Gurumuk Payam, 10 from Likwangole\nPayam, 10 from Vertet Payam and 1 chief representing 10 chiefs OF Boma\nPayam. The 41 chiefs in the meeting expressed the below points as\nfollows; \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003e1. \nThat the Jonglei state government ordered peaceful disarmament in Pibor\nand in the areas of neighboring communities, but disarmament was\nexecuted in Pibor only and now when attacked by the Lou Nuer the state\ngovernment  failed to protect us. \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003e2.\nOur people were killed in hospital in Bor town, and the state\ngovernment failed to investigate the case, but instead, it protected\nthe murderers. \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003e3.\nThe state government deployed Lou Nuer organized SPLA forces who have\nnow identified themselves with their tribe in our area, this force is\nnot representing the face of Southern Sudan as a result they turned\ntheir guns against Murle. Given this fact these forces must be\ntransferred and be replaced with nationally represented SPLA forces. \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003eThe\nchiefs expressed that Jonglei state cannot represent them and they must\nbe removed from Jonglei state and be put under GoSS supervision. \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003eIn\nthe end of the meeting the intellectuals, the chiefs and the\ncommissioner called for peaceful coexistence with the neighbors. \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003e”,1]
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The fact finding committee held a joint meeting with the commissioner, county security committee and the chiefs of Pibor county comprise of 41 chiefs, 10 from Pibor Payam,  10 from Gurumuk Payam, 10 from Likwangole Payam, 10 from Vertet Payam and 1 chief representing 10 chiefs OF Boma Payam. The 41 chiefs in the meeting expressed the below points as follows;

1.  That the Jonglei state government ordered peaceful disarmament in Pibor and in the areas of neighboring communities, but disarmament was executed in Pibor only and now when attacked by the Lou Nuer the state government  failed to protect us.

2. Our people were killed in hospital in Bor town, and the state government failed to investigate the case, but instead, it protected the murderers.

3. The state government deployed Lou Nuer organized SPLA forces who have now identified themselves with their tribe in our area, this force is not representing the face of Southern Sudan as a result they turned their guns against Murle. Given this fact these forces must be transferred and be replaced with nationally represented SPLA forces.

The chiefs expressed that Jonglei state cannot represent them and they must be removed from Jonglei state and be put under GoSS supervision.

In the end of the meeting the intellectuals, the chiefs and the commissioner called for peaceful coexistence with the neighbors.

<!–
D([“mb”,”\u003cb\u003e\u003cu\u003e\u003cspan style\u003d\”font-size:14pt\”\u003eDay 4 Wednesday 18\u003csup\u003eth\u003c/sup\u003e.March.2009, Pibor County\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/u\u003e\u003c/b\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\”\u003e \u003c/font\u003e\u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003eThe\nfacts finding committee accompanied by the county security committee\nled by the commissioner held a consultative meeting with the officers\nof Battalion 359 at the army barrack. Col. Peter Ruei the Commander of\nBattalion 359 of brigade 47, division 8 explained that the Lou Nuer\nattacks information came to them from Juba , therefore, the devastation\nwhich rocked Likwangole Payam came with the knowledge of the divisional\ncommander. \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003eCol.\nPeter Ruei reported that his command issued standing orders that when\nthe Lou Nuer attack begins the army must not intervene. He said that\nthe Lou Nuer from three counties mobilized themselves to attack\nLikwangole Payam, Gurumuk Payam and Pibor county head quarters as\nbriefed by our command. \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003eCol.\nPeter Ruei said his Battalion are all from Lou Nuer except a few who\ncome from Bahr el Ghazal and Upper Nile states, according to him this\nforce does not reflect the true face SPLA and hence , he recommends\ntransfer of all officers from sons of Jonglei state from this force. He\nmainly recommends transfer of officers from Lou Nuer who forms the\nmajority of the officers in this Battalion. \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003eMaj.\nSimon Dak Kier; stated that when they were organized in Bor to come to\nPibor, the message given was that we are going to fight with Murle\nbefore even reaching Pibor, but when we moved from Bor to Pibor we\nnever met any hostile behavior until we reached Pibor peacefully and\nfound that the people here are peaceful and friendly, contrary to the\ninformation of violence and hatreds as we were told by our command.\nMost of these forces are from Akobo County . “,1]
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//–>Day 4 Wednesday 18th.March.2009, Pibor County

The facts finding committee accompanied by the county security committee led by the commissioner held a consultative meeting with the officers of Battalion 359 at the army barrack. Col. Peter Ruei the Commander of Battalion 359 of brigade 47, division 8 explained that the Lou Nuer attacks information came to them from Juba , therefore, the devastation which rocked Likwangole Payam came with the knowledge of the divisional commander.

Col. Peter Ruei reported that his command issued standing orders that when the Lou Nuer attack begins the army must not intervene. He said that the Lou Nuer from three counties mobilized themselves to attack Likwangole Payam, Gurumuk Payam and Pibor county head quarters as briefed by our command.

Col. Peter Ruei said his Battalion are all from Lou Nuer except a few who come from Bahr el Ghazal and Upper Nile states, according to him this force does not reflect the true face SPLA and hence , he recommends transfer of all officers from sons of Jonglei state from this force. He mainly recommends transfer of officers from Lou Nuer who forms the majority of the officers in this Battalion.

Maj. Simon Dak Kier; stated that when they were organized in Bor to come to Pibor, the message given was that we are going to fight with Murle before even reaching Pibor, but when we moved from Bor to Pibor we never met any hostile behavior until we reached Pibor peacefully and found that the people here are peaceful and friendly, contrary to the information of violence and hatreds as we were told by our command. Most of these forces are from Akobo County . <!–
D([“mb”,”\u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003eAccording\nto Maj. Simon Dak Kier this formation encourages tribalism therefore;\nbattalion 359 and its command must be transferred and be thoroughly\nmixed with SPLA forces from sons of other areas before they are\ndeployed in any area. \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003eCpl. Nasser Akol recommends the following; \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003e1. All officers from Jonglei state in this battalion should be transferred \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003e2. All traders from Jonglei state coming in and out of Pibor County should be handled by the civilian police. \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003e3. Bor – Pibor road must be patrolled and cars must be provided with security escort from Bor to Ayidi and vice versa. \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003e\u003cb\u003e\u003cspan style\u003d\”font-size:14pt\”\u003e \u003c/span\u003e\u003c/b\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\”\u003e \u003c/font\u003e\u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cb\u003e\u003cu\u003e\u003cspan style\u003d\”font-size:14pt\”\u003e\u003cfont face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003eDay 5 Thursday 19\u003csup\u003eth\u003c/sup\u003e.March.2009, Pibor County \u003c/font\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/u\u003e\u003c/b\u003e \n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003eThe\nfacts finding committee finished its facts finding mission and\nrequested a plane to return to Juba, however, the plane could not come\ndue to lack of funds to be paid to the flight company, as a result, the\nfacts finding committee has to spend one day in Pibor as a wasted time.\nBefore leaving Pibor County on above date Lou Nuer new group was\nreportedly moving towards Murle land again, and the committee returned\nback to Juba on 20\u003csup\u003eth\u003c/sup\u003e. 3 .2009 arriving Juba at 10:45 am. \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e”,1]
);

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According to Maj. Simon Dak Kier this formation encourages tribalism therefore; battalion 359 and its command must be transferred and be thoroughly mixed with SPLA forces from sons of other areas before they are deployed in any area.

Cpl. Nasser Akol recommends the following;

1. All officers from Jonglei state in this battalion should be transferred

2. All traders from Jonglei state coming in and out of Pibor County should be handled by the civilian police.

3. Bor – Pibor road must be patrolled and cars must be provided with security escort from Bor to Ayidi and vice versa.

Day 5 Thursday 19th.March.2009, Pibor County

The facts finding committee finished its facts finding mission and requested a plane to return to Juba, however, the plane could not come due to lack of funds to be paid to the flight company, as a result, the facts finding committee has to spend one day in Pibor as a wasted time. Before leaving Pibor County on above date Lou Nuer new group was reportedly moving towards Murle land again, and the committee returned back to Juba on 20th. 3 .2009 arriving Juba at 10:45 am.

<!–
D([“mb”,”\u003cfont face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003e\u003cb\u003e\u003cu\u003e\u003cspan style\u003d\”font-size:14pt\”\u003eDay 6 Friday 20\u003csup\u003eth\u003c/sup\u003e. March.2009 Juba, Southern Sudan\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/u\u003e\u003c/b\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\”\u003e \u003c/font\u003e\u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003e\u003cb\u003e\u003cu\u003e\u003cspan style\u003d\”font-size:14pt\”\u003eSummary of facts as reported on the ground.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/u\u003e\u003c/b\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\”\u003e \u003c/font\u003e\u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003e1. \nThe field visit by the facts finding committee to the affected areas\nhas been successful and achieved its objectives, reaching all\ndestinations and met all chiefs of affected areas and the leadership of\nPibor County . \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003e2.\nIt has been found that Lou Nuer attackers killed elderly, women and\nchildren in a manner of organized genocide or ethnic cleansing. \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003e3.\nSPLA forces deployed in Likwangole Payam did not defend the Payam in\nthe face of the Lou Nuer attack, instead, they defended the attackers\nand provided a protection to 45 Lou Nuer attackers, saying that they\nwere ordered by the division commander not to get involved in the\ntribal fighting, but at the same time the division commander issued\norders to protect the surrendering Lou Nuer attackers, who according to\ndivisional commander should not be touched and not even beaten. \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003e4.\nSPLA forces in Likwangole Payam participated in destruction of\nLikwangole Payam by looting the Payam after the withdrawal of the Lou\nNuer attackers. \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003e5.\nSPLA forces in Likwangole Payam buried three bodies of the attackers\nwho are believed to be SPLA officers killed during their attack on\nLikwangole Payam to cover evidence, bearing in mind that a Colonel and\na captain were killed from the Lou Nuer attackers. “,1]
);

//–>Day 6 Friday 20th. March.2009 Juba, Southern Sudan

Summary of facts as reported on the ground.

1.  The field visit by the facts finding committee to the affected areas has been successful and achieved its objectives, reaching all destinations and met all chiefs of affected areas and the leadership of Pibor County .

2. It has been found that Lou Nuer attackers killed elderly, women and children in a manner of organized genocide or ethnic cleansing.

3. SPLA forces deployed in Likwangole Payam did not defend the Payam in the face of the Lou Nuer attack, instead, they defended the attackers and provided a protection to 45 Lou Nuer attackers, saying that they were ordered by the division commander not to get involved in the tribal fighting, but at the same time the division commander issued orders to protect the surrendering Lou Nuer attackers, who according to divisional commander should not be touched and not even beaten.

4. SPLA forces in Likwangole Payam participated in destruction of Likwangole Payam by looting the Payam after the withdrawal of the Lou Nuer attackers.

5. SPLA forces in Likwangole Payam buried three bodies of the attackers who are believed to be SPLA officers killed during their attack on Likwangole Payam to cover evidence, bearing in mind that a Colonel and a captain were killed from the Lou Nuer attackers. <!–
D([“mb”,”\u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003e6.\nNumber of 45 Lou Nuer attackers surrendered to Likwangole military\ngarrison including one woman, one of them passed away and 4 of them\nevacuated to Juba for medical treatment \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003e7.\nJonglei state government sent food assistance and medical facilities to\nattacking Akobo County through Pibor County instead of rescuing the\naffected population in an attempt of provoking new round of violence. \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003e8.\nSome of the bodies of the attackers found on the ground were in SPLA\nuniform confirming participation of SPLA forces from Lou Nuer in this\nbarbaric attack on Likwangole Payam \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003e9.\nIt is confirmed that three counties of Lou Nuer namely Nyirol, Wuror\nand Akobo have participated in the attack on Likwangole Payam as\nevidenced by the surrenders being citizens of these counties. \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003e10.\nThe number of Murle Killed in the latest Lou Nuer attack from Nanam\ndown to Likwangole, Kong-Kong and Jom are 453 and more than 100 people\nmissing according to primary reports. \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003e11. Number of the internally displaced persons are 6000 persons. \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003e12. Among officers killed on their attack are; \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003e- Col. Killed and his insignia brought to Pibor County Commissioner \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003e- Lt.Col. Riel a Police officer killd”,1]
);

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6. Number of 45 Lou Nuer attackers surrendered to Likwangole military garrison including one woman, one of them passed away and 4 of them evacuated to Juba for medical treatment

7. Jonglei state government sent food assistance and medical facilities to attacking Akobo County through Pibor County instead of rescuing the affected population in an attempt of provoking new round of violence.

8. Some of the bodies of the attackers found on the ground were in SPLA uniform confirming participation of SPLA forces from Lou Nuer in this barbaric attack on Likwangole Payam

9. It is confirmed that three counties of Lou Nuer namely Nyirol, Wuror and Akobo have participated in the attack on Likwangole Payam as evidenced by the surrenders being citizens of these counties.

10. The number of Murle Killed in the latest Lou Nuer attack from Nanam down to Likwangole, Kong-Kong and Jom are 453 and more than 100 people missing according to primary reports.

11. Number of the internally displaced persons are 6000 persons.

12. Among officers killed on their attack are;

– Col. Killed and his insignia brought to Pibor County Commissioner

– Lt.Col. Riel a Police officer killd<!–
D([“mb”,”\u003c/font\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003e \n-Joseph Lual Chol, student in Kitale Killed\u003cspan dir\u003d\”rtl\”\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan dir\u003d\”rtl\”\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan dir\u003d\”rtl\” lang\u003d\”AR-EG\”\u003e\u003cspan dir\u003d\”rtl\”\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan dir\u003d\”rtl\”\u003e\u003c/span\u003e          \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan dir\u003d\”ltr\”\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan dir\u003d\”ltr\”\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan dir\u003d\”ltr\”\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan dir\u003d\”ltr\”\u003e\u003c/span\u003e           \u003cspan dir\u003d\”rtl\”\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan dir\u003d\”rtl\”\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan dir\u003d\”rtl\” lang\u003d\”AR-EG\”\u003e\u003cspan dir\u003d\”rtl\”\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan dir\u003d\”rtl\”\u003e\u003c/span\u003e     \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan dir\u003d\”ltr\”\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan dir\u003d\”ltr\”\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan dir\u003d\”ltr\”\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan dir\u003d\”ltr\”\u003e\u003c/span\u003e \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\”\u003e\u003cfont face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003e  -Lt. Deang Goi Yuod SPLA officer\u003cspan dir\u003d\”rtl\”\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan dir\u003d\”rtl\”\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan dir\u003d\”rtl\” lang\u003d\”AR-EG\”\u003e\u003cspan dir\u003d\”rtl\”\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan dir\u003d\”rtl\”\u003e\u003c/span\u003e  \u003c/span\u003e\u003c/font\u003e\u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003e13. Wounded officers from Lou Nuer attackers \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003e-  1\u003csup\u003est\u003c/sup\u003e.Lt. Tier Duk Koryom Police officer wounded \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003e -1\u003csup\u003est\u003c/sup\u003e.Lt. Char Pot Bol SPLA officer wounded \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003e – Lt. Gatluak Duop SPLA officer wounded \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003e  \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003eRegards \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003eNumber of the fact finding Committee were 36 members \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003eHeaded by Hon. Philip Thabalang Lukayee     \u003cbr\u003e\u003c/font\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e”,1]
);

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-Joseph Lual Chol, student in Kitale Killed

-Lt. Deang Goi Yuod SPLA officer

13. Wounded officers from Lou Nuer attackers

–  1st.Lt. Tier Duk Koryom Police officer wounded

-1st.Lt. Char Pot Bol SPLA officer wounded

– Lt. Gatluak Duop SPLA officer wounded

Regards

Number of the fact finding Committee were 36 members

Headed by Hon. Philip Thabalang Lukayee

<!–
D([“mb”,”\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c/font\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003e  ——————————\u003cWBR\u003e———————- \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003e  \u003c/font\u003e\n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp dir\u003d\”ltr\” style\u003d\”direction:ltr;text-align:left\”\u003e\u003cfont size\u003d\”3\” face\u003d\”Times New Roman\”\u003eC C.  President of Government of Southern Sudan \u003c/font\u003e \n\u003c/p\u003e\u003cspan dir\u003d\”ltr\”\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\n\n\n\n \u003c/p\u003e\n \n\n \u003c/div\u003e \n\n \n \u003cdiv width\u003d\”1\” style\u003d\”color:white;clear:both\”\u003e__._,_.___\u003c/div\u003e\n\n \n \n \u003cdiv style\u003d\”clear:both;white-space:nowrap;color:#666;text-align:right\”\u003e\n \u003cspan style\u003d\”float:left;white-space:nowrap\”\u003e\n \u003ca href\u003d\”http://groups.yahoo.com/group/SPLM-Diaspora/message/87583;_ylc\u003dX3oDMTM3NTFqMTI0BF9TAzk3MzU5NzE0BGdycElkAzExMzUzMzI0BGdycHNwSWQDMTcwNTEzNzgxOARtc2dJZAM4NzU4MwRzZWMDZnRyBHNsawN2dHBjBHN0aW1lAzEyMzgwMTk4OTcEdHBjSWQDODc1ODM-\” target\u003d\”_blank\” onclick\u003d\”return top.js.OpenExtLink(window,event,this)\”\u003e\n Messages in this topic \u003c/a\u003e (\u003cspan style\u003d\”font-weight:bold\”\u003e1\u003c/span\u003e)\n \u003c/span\u003e\n \u003ca href\u003d\”http://groups.yahoo.com/group/SPLM-Diaspora/post;_ylc\u003dX3oDMTJyZXUxMW5qBF9TAzk3MzU5NzE0BGdycElkAzExMzUzMzI0BGdycHNwSWQDMTcwNTEzNzgxOARtc2dJZAM4NzU4MwRzZWMDZnRyBHNsawNycGx5BHN0aW1lAzEyMzgwMTk4OTc-?act\u003dreply\u0026amp;messageNum\u003d87583\” target\u003d\”_blank\” onclick\u003d\”return top.js.OpenExtLink(window,event,this)\”\u003e\n \u003cspan style\u003d\”font-weight:bold\”\u003e\n Reply \u003c/span\u003e (via web post)\n \u003c/a\u003e | \n \u003ca href\u003d\”http://groups.yahoo.com/group/SPLM-Diaspora/post;_ylc\u003dX3oDMTJmMWRzZWZoBF9TAzk3MzU5NzE0BGdycElkAzExMzUzMzI0BGdycHNwSWQDMTcwNTEzNzgxOARzZWMDZnRyBHNsawNudHBjBHN0aW1lAzEyMzgwMTk4OTc-\” style\u003d\”font-weight:bold\” target\u003d\”_blank\” onclick\u003d\”return top.js.OpenExtLink(window,event,this)\”\u003e\n Start a new topic \u003c/a\u003e\n \u003c/div\u003e \n \n \n \u003cdiv style\u003d\”padding-top:10px;font-family:Verdana;font-size:77%;margin:0\”\u003e”,1]
);

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C C.  President of Government of Southern Sudan

Written by torit1955

March 26, 2009 at 6:50 am

Posted in Security

The Hazy Path Forward in Sudan

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The Hazy Path Forward in Sudan

Sarah Washburne Middle East Report Online http://www.merip.org/mero/mero032409.html

March 24, 2009 (Sarah Washburne is a doctoral student at the University of Exeter. She contributed this article from Khartoum.) For another view on the ICC decision, see Khalid Mustafa Medani, “Wanted: Omar al-Bashir — and Peace in Sudan,” Middle East Report Online, March 5, 2009. On the day after the International Criminal Court (ICC) issued an arrest warrant for Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir, the wanted man addressed a pre-planned rally of thousands in front of the presidential palace in Khartoum. Bashir was defiant, denouncing the warrant as “neo-colonialism,” and praising his supporters in Martyrs’ Square as “grandsons of the mujahideen,” a reference to the participants in the Mahdiyya uprising against Anglo-Egyptian rule in 1885. The atmosphere was almost one of jubilation; one might have mistaken the crowds for soccer fans celebrating a win. As Bashir condemned the ICC and the West from the microphone, the protesters waved the Sudanese flag and held aloft pictures of Bashir, as well as posters depicting the face of Luis Moreno Ocampo, the ICC prosecutor, superimposed upon the body of a pig. There were sporadic outbreaks of drumming, dancing and singing. It is easy to dismiss the March 5 rally as just another show staged by an authoritarian regime. Yet smaller groups of protesters could be found throughout the streets of Khartoum. Roadside spectators shouted chants of support as the demonstrators passed by; cars plastered with Bashir posters zipped through the capital with horns honking. Indeed, the Bashir regime does have a strong, loyal base in the central region of the country, which is, after all, some 600 miles from the far western province of Darfur, where the crimes against humanity and war crimes that the president is accused of orchestrating have taken place. Within days of the ICC’s announcement in The Hague, protests in Sudan had dwindled, in line, perhaps, with the official position of the government, as outlined by ‘Abd al-Rahman Ahmad Khalid Sharif of the Foreign Ministry, that they are “not concerned” by the warrant. Many analysts think that, if Bashir is held accountable to international law, some sort of change of leadership may take place in Sudan. The International Crisis Group, for instance, reports that in light of the “internal tensions within the regime, the indictment itself may provoke change.” Yet the question remains: Was the decision to indict a sitting head of state a wise one, and what effect will the decision have upon the future of Sudan? “Why Should We Worry?” The ICC has charged Bashir with five counts of crimes against humanity (“murder, extermination, forcible transfer, torture and rape”) and two counts of war crimes (“intentionally directing attacks against a civilian population as such or against individual civilians not taking direct part in hostilities and pillaging”). The court concluded that there was not enough evidence to charge the president with genocide, as the violence inflicted upon the population of Darfur has sometimes been called. Moreover, the judges stated that it is the responsibility of the government of Sudan to turn Bashir over to the court. They also called upon all signatories to the Rome Statute, which established the ICC in 1998, and the United Nations, as well as those states that are not members (as Sudan is not), to aid in securing Bashir’s surrender. Realistically, it is far from certain that the Sudanese junta will give up its leader; countries in the Arab League and African Union, which vocally opposed the indictment, as well as China, may likewise be loath to cooperate. “Why should we worry about the ICC issue?” the Eritrean minister of information asked a curious reporter on the occasion of Bashir’s first trip abroad after the warrant was issued. On March 23, however, the Committee of Islamic Scholars, Sudan’s highest Muslim religious body, released a fatwa recommending that the president not travel to Qatar for the Arab summit to be held at the end of the month. Should Bashir remain at large, the case would be remanded to the UN Security Council, which could impose further sanctions and even authorize the use of force to apprehend him. Deadlock among the Council members, however, would preclude such measures. Given the unlikelihood of an actual arrest, what does the warrant actually achieve? Many long-time Darfur activists, such as the prominent actor George Clooney, have appeared on international news channels to say that the international community must look to the possibility of an arrest in the future. This possibility in and of itself, he says, will deliver some justice to the people of Darfur. But while the legal aspects of the case may be debated for years to come, the immediate political ramifications are undoubtedly of more importance. The ICC, of course, is a judicial institution that should not be swayed by political considerations. But once the court decided to prosecute a sitting head of state, the entire situation turned political. It had to. The history of the Bashir regime, and the present state of affairs in Sudan, make it clear that the political outcome of this ruling can only be negative. Outcomes Likely and Unlikely Idealism aside, it should be assumed that the decision to prosecute Bashir was taken knowing full well that the result will not be an actual arrest of Bashir, at least not in the near future. The ruling sends one clear political message: that no one who commits war crimes, not even a sitting head of state, is immune from justice. Yet many Darfur activists would like to see other political consequences. Firstly, there is hope that the warrant will help to end the war in Darfur, even if there is not an arrest. Secondly, the warrant may encourage dissent against Bashir within Sudan, leading to his removal by internal or external forces. (Bashir accuses the ICC of plotting “regime change.”) Any immediate push to end the war in Darfur is unlikely, however. In the past, the Bashir regime has shown that it demands respect, not condemnation, in order to cooperate with the international community. In addition, the two main rebel groups in Darfur, the Justice and Equality Movement and the Sudan Liberation Movement-Minnawi branch are now less likely to participate in meaningful peace talks. The Bashir regime, from its beginnings in 1989, has been characterized as a dictatorial Islamist junta, but it is also a pragmatic government influenced greatly by “symbolic politics.” When the regime has felt threatened, as in 1993 when it was placed on the US list of states that sponsor terrorism, it has backed into isolation. When given certain concessions, however, Khartoum is willing to engage the international community. The early years of the George W. Bush administration are a prime example. The Clinton years had culminated in the US bombing of the Shifa pharmaceutical plant in Khartoum in 1998. In the summer of 2001, the Bush administration showed signs of taking a different approach, aided by the 1999 “palace coup” in Khartoum that saw the ouster of the government’s key Islamist ideologue Hasan al-Turabi, who is said to have personally invited Osama bin Laden to live in Sudan in the mid-1990s. Then, the September 11, 2001 attacks occurred, and the two governments began cooperating in counter-terrorism matters. Though Sudan remains on the state sponsors of terrorism list, in 2007 the State Department called Sudan “a strong partner in the war on terror.” In the meantime, the Bush administration, under pressure from conservative Christians and the Congressional Black Caucus, pushed Khartoum and the southern Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) to sign the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) of 2005. Whatever Bashir’s intentions, he did pull the junta out of isolation on this occasion, and, for the most part, the CPA has held. As the international media and human rights groups turned the spotlight on the Sudanese government for its actions in Darfur, the regime, feeling threatened, fell back into its old ways. There has been no coordinated international strategy for dealing with the Darfur crisis, as there was with southern Sudan starting. The West, and in particular the United States, has sent mixed signals about Darfur, which have in turn been overshadowed by immense pressures from non-state actors, namely NGOs and the media. The media’s preoccupation with Darfur, and the claim of genocide, was a nuisance for Bashir. It now appears to the regime, however, that human rights groups and the “Zionist” media have exacted their “revenge” through the justices in The Hague. Meanwhile, the arrest warrant has emboldened the Justice and Equality Movement, which sat down for talks in Qatar with interlocutors from Khartoum in mid-February. The talks were a tentative step in the right direction. The Justice and Equality Movement leader, Khalil Ibrahim, now takes a hard line. In a press release on the group’s website, Ibrahim is quoted as saying: “Bashir refuses to surrender? We’ll just go in and drag him out of his palace…. Any chance for a deal is over.” The other main Darfuri rebel movement, the Sudan Liberation Movement-Minnawi, signed the Darfur Peace Agreement with the government in 2006. The group’s leader, Minni Minnawi, now holds an official position as presidential adviser to Bashir, and on March 4 he said he remained committed to implementing the 2006 accord. On March 6, however, the movement issued a statement “strongly supporting” the ICC decision, and blaming Bashir’s National Congress Party for rendering Sudanese courts too anemic to adjudicate the Darfur charges themselves. Party spokesmen insist there is no contradiction, but theirs is a strange position. Sudanese rebel movements are unpredictable, and it may be the renewed fighting in Darfur that has led to their change of attitude. But the ICC warrant definitely affects the groups’ media strategy: They want to be seen as in line with the weight of international moral opinion. No matter the reason of the rebel factions, their relationships with Khartoum are quickly worsening pursuant to the indictment. A rapid change of government in Sudan is as unlikely as an early peace in Darfur. Public opinion in Khartoum is varied on the subject of the ICC decision. Informal conversations show that, in spite of general antipathy for Bashir’s party, many regard the warrant as a form of imperialism infringing upon national sovereignty. Others feel that the label of “neo-colonialism” promoted by the state-run media is a propaganda tool that clouds Bashir’s role in the country. Some voice the opinion that it is time for Bashir to go, not necessarily because of the ICC warrant, but because “20 years is enough.” Overall, since there are strict laws limiting freedoms of speech and assembly, the population is keeping mum and staying at home. Dissension within the government, in theory, is another path to an alternation of power. The National Congress Party dominates the current coalition government. Some Sudanese think that the party will kick Bashir out of the presidential palace, but decline to hand him over to the ICC, for the sake of their own survival in power. Bashir, however, maintains the firm support of the army, which has always been key to the rise and fall of Sudanese regimes. There are also opposition parties in the parliament and the cabinet; the first vice president, Salva Kiir, is a southerner from the SPLM. Officially, these parties are not supportive of the ICC decision. Certain fringe parties, such as the United Democratic Liberal Party, or more established, but weak ones such as the Communist Party or the Islamist People’s Congress Party, led by Turabi and said to be a key supporter of the Justice and Equality Movement, wholeheartedly support the decision. “Politically, we think he is culpable,” Turabi has said of Bashir. But these figures have no clout with the government. The oldest and best-established parties in the country — the Umma Party and the Democratic Unionist Party — have been unable to present a united front. Publicly, party members have contradicted themselves, at times hailing the ICC decision and at other times saying that any judicial process should be internal. On paper, the Democratic Unionist Party is categorically against prosecution of a head of state by an international institution. The leader of the Umma Party, Sadiq al-Mahdi, head of the democratically elected government overthrown by Bashir and his fellow officers in 1989, was initially supportive of the ICC indictment. Al-Mahdi backed away from this position once the arrest warrant was issued, saying that foreign intervention was not justified. Mid-level members of the two parties hold differing views. No matter their view on the subject, however, there is a constant theme: Politicians from all backgrounds fear that Bashir will use his authoritarian powers to delay the elections tentatively set for July 2009, thus preventing the current march towards a return to democracy. The Southern Perspective The SPLM is in a precarious position. On the one hand, the SPLM fought what was, at the time, the world’s longest-running civil war against the central government. On the other hand, it is now the second-largest partner in the government in Khartoum. Many of the accusations made against Bashir about Darfur were also made during the war in the south; an estimated 2 million people died during the fighting. The mission of the SPLM has always been to bring about a “new Sudan,” one that embraces religious and cultural pluralism and creates a genuine democratic process in all of the country. While this goal was originally to be achieved by forcibly seizing the state, since the signing of the CPA, the SPLM has changed its tune. In its amended manifesto, the movement states, “Using all legitimate peaceful means at its disposal, the SPLM shall continue to its struggle to build a new socio-political order.” In the minds of the SPLM, this wording refers to change through elections, not a coup or outside intervention. In fact, the movement believes it will win the July presidential election, as long as the electoral process is free and fair. National and local legislative elections are to take place concurrently. One SPLM state minister says he is convinced that the party has support all over Sudan since the traditional parties are outdated and Bashir’s party is generally despised. Interviews with numerous members of the SPLM political secretariats in the southern towns of Bor, Wau and Juba reveal persistence in the goal of having a southerner as president of the entire country. Any disruption of the CPA, however, would jeopardize this dream. The peace between the north and south not only gave the SPLM autonomous control over southern Sudan, but it also gave the movement 28 percent of cabinet seats and the first vice presidency. All of the SPLM’s future aspirations rest on the full implementation of the CPA and the upcoming elections. A key factor here is a healthy and productive relationship between the National Congress Party and the SPLM. Publicly, therefore, the movement fully backs Bashir in the ICC matter. Their reasoning has less to do with dislike of foreign intervention than with fear that the peace process will be derailed. Salva Kiir, the SPLM chairman, headed a crisis committee to exert diplomatic efforts to defer the indictment. Lam Akol, foreign minister from 2005 to 2006 and leader of a dissident SPLM faction, also said that the movement should support Bashir because they are now partners in government. In an interview held days before the ICC decision, he outlined the SPLM’s logic: [The SPLM and NCP] are partners in the agreement. The agreement provided that the two must be partners in implementing the CPA…. But, of course, there are countries in the West that would want to use the SPLM as a lever to continue pursuing their policies against the National Congress. And I, as a person, do not like that because once we have signed an agreement, we have to see that agreement through…. Because this regime that we want to change now includes us. How do we absolve ourselves from this responsibility? Privately, however, many SPLM members are on the fence. They sympathize with Darfuris, and perhaps would like to see a change of government. Many SPLM members are especially upset at the expulsion of aid groups from Darfur. SPLM civil servants working in capital say they are reluctant to endorse the ICC decision because of the possible consequences for the peace agreement. Many are taking a wait-and-see attitude. If the arrest warrant is pursued and the CPA holds, then they will herald the arrest. If the CPA suffers, then they are against the ICC ruling. Other SPLM representatives and members are less hesitant. Edward Lino, the former administrator of the oil-rich southern province of Abyei, where Khartoum has been slow to cede autonomy, has said that Bashir must hand himself over or “commit suicide.” Others believe that there is no reason for the ICC move to affect the SPLM’s position in Khartoum since the court is after a single individual, not the entire government. In an interview, one official from the SPLM-Northern Sector said the movement “cannot support the ICC and cannot support Bashir,” simply because it has no dog in the fight. For many ordinary southerners, who after all were chief among the victims of the civil war, the warrant is a sign from God that Bashir will get what he deserves. There is a near universal support for the ICC ruling among southern Sudanese living in the south, excepting those few who are members of Bashir’s party. Unsettling Effects To review, it is unlikely that Bashir will be arrested; that the war will end; or that the regime will fall, either to external or internal foes. One begins to question if the indictment of Bashir is constructive. Negative outcomes of the ICC ruling are already a reality. Khartoum has revoked the operating license of 16 aid agencies, and foreign staff has been expelled from northern Sudan, putting at risk the welfare of thousands, if not millions, of Sudanese internally displaced by war. Naturally, these actions are themselves criminal under international humanitarian law, but they are a logical reaction to the threat that Khartoum perceives. For all its bellicose rhetoric, the regime is indeed worried about its own future. It deals with perceived threats by lashing out, and the aid groups are conveniently at hand. Longer-term effects are also likely to be unsettling. The anticipated July 2009 elections would be the first held in the country since 1986 and the first comprehensive elections ever in all of southern Sudan. The National Congress Party now fears, naturally, that a challenger might win the presidency. Sudan’s foreign policy might change thereafter; it is even conceivable to Bashir and his backers that a successor would sign the Rome Statute. As nerves fray in Khartoum, Bashir might preempt this eventuality by delaying the elections indefinitely. That step would imperil the CPA, which stipulates that elections must be held before a referendum on independence in southern Sudan in 2011. The government has promised that the arrest warrant will not affect the north-south agreement. In a country that is very unstable at the margins, however, anything is possible. Finally, and perhaps most detrimental to the long-term resolution of political conflicts in Sudan, the ICC decision gives Bashir an excuse to plunge his country back into the injurious isolation of the first decade of National Congress Party (then called the National Islamic Front) rule. During this decade, the government gave Osama bin Laden refuge; was allegedly involved in an assassination attempt upon Egyptian President Husni Mubarak during a visit to Addis Ababa, Ethiopia; and was the only African state to support Iraq when it invaded Kuwait. As it shrinks from engagement with the West, Khartoum is relying on traditional allies in the Arab and African regions, as well as China. These countries, however, are unlikely to be able to help Sudan solve its problems. Regional initiatives to end the war in the south, for example, were miserable failures. The Egyptian-Libyan initiative accomplished nothing. The Inter-Governmental Authority on Development, an African-sponsored peace process, was unsuccessful until the US gave it a push. Had the ICC accused the Sudanese president of war crimes in 2003 or 2004, it is unlikely that the negotiations with the SPLM would have been successful. Most likely, the war in southern Sudan would still be going on. The path forward the international community, now that Pandora’s box has been opened by the ICC decision, is hazy. Certainly, the Security Council could put the warrant on hold for a year pending political progress in Darfur or until the elections are held. As long as the accusatory rhetoric remains, however, the regime will continue to be defiant. If, on the other hand, the West chooses to accommodate the regime somehow, it will throw the legitimacy of the ICC into question. In other words, the international community, and specifically the West, must tread lightly. The discrepancy between moral responsibility and pragmatic diplomacy is significant. In order to produce imperative short-term benefits in Sudan, long-term objectives of prosecution of Bashir and changing the country’s leadership might have to be put aside.

Written by torit1955

March 25, 2009 at 4:03 pm

Posted in Uncategorized

Challenges of Nation-Building, and Democratization in Africa

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OPINIONS & COMMENTARIES
POLITICS | Omar Kalinge Nnyago
Challenges of nation-building, and democratisation in Africa

The first challenge is in the definition. There is no agreed definition of nation-building. A 2003 study by James Dobbins and others for the RAND Corporation defines nation-building as “the use of armed force in the aftermath of a conflict to underpin an enduring transition to democracy.

The term nation-building is often used simultaneously with state-building, democratisation, modernisation, political development, post-conflict reconstruction, and peace-building. While this definition centres around the building of democratic processes, many argue that the use of the military to bring about democracy may be inherently contradictory.

Whether nation-building can be imposed from outside is one of the central questions in this regard.
Nation-building as a normative concept therefore means different things to different people.

However, the latest conceptualisation is essentially that nation-building programmes are those in which dysfunctional or unstable or “failed states” or economies are given assistance in the development of governmental infrastructure, civil society, dispute resolution mechanisms, as well as economic assistance, in order to increase stability.

Democracy, on the other hand, is what W.B Gaille called some years ago, an “essentially contested concept”. He noted that “there are disputes, centred on such concepts which are perfectly genuine: which, although not resolvable by argument of any kind, are nevertheless sustained by perfectly respectable arguments and evidence. Democracy, as an idea and as a political reality, is always contested. Until now, the world is not universally agreed on what democracy is or what it should be. North Korea asserts that it is a democracy just as the United States.

In the current global context, most who advocate democratisation still do not recognise democracy as a contested concept.

As a result, they view people with different interpretations of democracy as perverse. Thus, they are open to the risks of underestimating the strength of the alternatives.

This is especially true of advocates of the styles of democracy found in western Europe and the United States, who believe themselves to be the true heirs to the only legitimate democratic tradition and thus view any other effort to create democracies as false and undemocratic ( Esposito, 1996).

Because democracy is a contested concept, it is important to understand the perception of democracy within different African communities. However, among the most representative definitions of democracy is one by Larry Diamond, Juan Linz and Seymour Lipset. It says that democracy “denotes a system of government that meets three essential conditions: competition, participation and political liberties”.

Interestingly, the demand for increased popular political participation and empowerment takes place alongside another demand, that for recognition of special identities or authentic communities, which could be contradictory when trying to build strong states.

The African state must be strong to build more unity within society and to create legitimacy by providing security and other services. Yet, the political leadership does not have the resources to accomplish these tasks. In order to obtain them, it resorts to predatory practices or plays upon and exacerbates social tensions between groups in society- which only adds to these tensions and further erodes loyalties.

The weak state is thus caught in a vicious cycle. Everything it does to become strong actually perpetuates its weakness. Closely related to legitimacy is the personalisation of the state, a phenomenon Weber called Patrimonialism, in which the objective interests of the state are indistinguishable from the subjective interests of the ruler of the regime in power. Earlier, Mobutu and Moi and currently Bongo, Mugabe and Museveni are typical neo –Patrimonialistic identities.

Such leaders can only have a short-term political perspective because their security and their physical survival depends on the strategies they pursue for the moment. Consequently, it may be ‘rational’ for such regimes to adopt policies that, for example, utilise scarce resources for military equipment, and manpower and to perceive opposition groups demanding greater participation as security threats.

If democratisation aims at strengthening civil society, then it ought to threaten the leadership of a weak state. Civil society aid in the past fifteen or so years has been a central component of democratisation. But there are a few problems.

Many active civil society organisations have stayed or at least pretended to stay out of politics mainly for fear of state reprisal. So, they don’t contribute directly to democracy. Others, the elite kind most favoured by the donor community, those directly involved in promoting multiparty democracy often have weak roots in the community without a real social base.

It is also true that some of these NGOs cannot serve as agents of democratisation as some are internally undemocratic and are forced to be more responsive to donor than to any local constituencies.

Democratisation, unfortunately, remains a concept that can better be described than defined, leaving the door wide open to varying, often contradictory interpretations. More debate on democratisation may be necessary if the donors, civil society and African governments are to move in the same direction.

omarkalinge@gmail.com

Written by torit1955

March 24, 2009 at 12:33 pm

Posted in Opinions

South Sudan lawmakers pass anti-corruption act

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South Sudan lawmakers pass anti-corruption act
Tuesday 24 March 2009.

By Isaac Vuni

March  23,  2009 (JUBA) — The Anti-corruption Act today passed unanimously with  the  votes  of  eighty-nine lawmakers and the support of the cabinet minister of legal affairs and constitutional development, who is empowered to  implement  the  policy  of  zero-tolerance  for corruption declared by President Salva Kiir Mayardit in 2006.

Hon. Speaker James Wani Igga described the act as being second only to the
interim  constitution  of  Southern  Sudan  in  terms  of  priorities  and
emphasized the act would empower a commission of anti-corruption officials to  enter  any  government  institutions  without  prior notice to conduct investigations   on  government  officials  suspected  of  looting  public properties and funds.

Earlier,  Hon.  Jimmy  Wongo Miji (USAP, Morobo constituency), chairman of the  specialized  committee  on  public accounts, had urged legislators to
pass  the  bill  in  its third and final reading so that looters of public
fund  and  properties  can  be  legally apprehended by the anti-corruption
commission officials.

Meanwhile, Hon. Oliver Mori Benjamin challenged parliament to be exemplary to  other  institutions  by  not  condoning corruption, demanding that the assembly account including funds for chairpersons and deputies be audited.

“We  have  passed  many  vital  Acts  but  our  executive are reluctant in
implementing them; probably they assume themselves to be above lawmakers,”
remarked Hon. Martin Aligo.

Critics  note  there  is little to celebrate as the August House is at the
center  of promoting corruption. Hon. Sebit Abe said corruption is rampant
in  the  south  but  requires  serious  action  by the new anti-corruption
commission without nepotism or favouritism.

He  challenged party leaders to crosscheck performance of their MPs and
their  respective  contributions to debate in the assembly on vital topics
of national deliberation; otherwise, he warned, some MPs are only going to
earn huge salaries without properly presenting their people and parties.

Written by torit1955

March 24, 2009 at 8:55 am

Posted in Corruption

Omar Al Bashir: To Travel or Not to Travel

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Sunday 22 March 2009 05:00.

March 21, 2009 (KHARTOUM) — The highest Islamic authority in Sudan issued an opinion today saying that president Omer Hassan Al-Bashir should not travel to attend the annual Arab summit in Qatar this month.

The move came as senior Sudanese officials today left the door open for Bashir to cancel his scheduled appearance at the summit despite earlier assertions that he will attend.

On March 4th the judges of the Pre-Trial Chamber I at the International Criminal Court (ICC) issued an arrest warrant for Sudanese president Omer Hassan Al-Bashir on seven counts of war crimes and crimes against humanity, which include murder, rape and torture.

Yesterday Reuters reported that the ICC’s prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo was in New York to urge countries to act on the ICC arrest warrant against Bashir.

“As soon as he travels through the international airspace he could be arrested. Slobodan Milosevic and Charles Taylor show that the destiny of Mr. Bashir is to face justice” he said.

“Two months or two years will depend on the state and how they act. But his destiny is to face justice” Ocampo asserted.

The pro-government Sudanese media center website published the findings of the board which has the power to issue Fatwas [religious opinions] and make the final say on any disputed topics from an Islamic perspective.

“This is an appeal and fatwa from the Islamic scholars board presided by its council and its general secretariat on the forbidding the president of the republic to attend the Arab summit in Qatar in light of the current circumstances where enemies of Allah and the nation are surrounding him” the statement read.

“Fearing for the sake to prevent danger is following orders of god and the prophet and forfeiting chances of the enemies of Allah by staying inside Sudan with your people and angering the infidels”.

The Sudanese president said in an interview with Egypt’s independent Al-Isboa weekly published Saturday that he will fly to Doha to attend the Arab summit for which he received an official invitation a week ago.

But today the presidential press secretary Mahjoub Badri told the pro-government Al-Rayaam that no final decision has been made on Bashir’s trip.

Government sources told the London based Al-Sharq Al-Awsat newspaper that there is division within the ruling National Congress Party (NCP) on the issue.

The newspaper quoted the sources as saying that some officials say the trip as necessary to prove that Bashir is not affected by the ICC ruling while others believe it is not worth the risk.

The Sudanese defense minister Abdel-Rahim Mohamed Hussein said that discussions are still ongoing on Bashir’s travel and if agreed on will be surrounded by “security and military precautions”.

Sudan had previously announced that it is making special security arrangements for the travel of Bashir to Doha which reportedly includes fighter jets guarding the presidential plane.

Khartoum is particularly worried by prospects of foreign fighters intercepting Bashir’s plane and forcing to land in a country where he can be apprehended.

Sudan summoned the French ambassador this week over statements attributed to Eric Chevallier, spokesman of the French foreign ministry in which he suggested that his government will support any operation aimed at arresting the Sudanese president through intercepting the plane.

The French government said Chevallier’s was misquoted by the London based Al-Sharq Al-Awsat newspaper which interviewed him.

This week the Sudanese former president Siwar Al-Dahab urged Bashir to exercise “patience and wisdom” and not risk travelling to Doha “for his safety and the safety of Sudanese people”.

Also Sudanese newspapers reported that a one day sit in is scheduled on Sunday by pro-Bashir supporters to ask for cancellation of appearance at Doha summit.

Written by torit1955

March 22, 2009 at 9:04 am

Posted in ICC and Darfur Crisis

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The ICC Indictment of President Bashir – The reverse side of the theatricals.

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The ICC Indictment of President Bashir – The reverse side of the theatricals.

Dr. Peter Adwok Nyaba, Khartoum MAR. 10/2009, SSN;

The singular announcement of President Bashir’s indictment has come and gone but the country has been left struggling with its political and diplomatic underpinnings bordering on a comedy of the theatres. A situation bound to continue ad infinitum as long as it serves the political strategy of those peddling it. Because of this, President Bashir will trot the breadth and length of the Sudan, which he has already started with Dar Fur, drumming up support from all sections of the Sudanese society. There is real risk of the NCP transforming this drama into an electioneering campaign in anticipation of the General Elections whose date they have refused to announce. Perhaps this was the unintended consequence of the president’s indictment. The weeks preceding were full of benevolent premonitions that the Sudan would be plunged into chaos; that the NCP would abrogate the Comprehensive Peace Agreement like the Addis Ababa Agreement, and that the country would return to war as soon as the Pre-Trial Chambers announced the indictment. The scenario of chaos and violence vocally orchestrated by the NCP operatives and puppets played by the so-called ‘sons of Southern Sudan’ in the celebration of the promotion of Lt. General Salah Gosh Abdalla (Security Chief) culminated in the tragedy of Malakal and the Saturday farcical display of solidarity with the President of the Republic by the same group in front of the Friendship Hall in Khartoum. What is special, if I may ask the obvious question, with the promotion of Salah Gosh Abdalla that only Southern Sudanese, who have suffered immensely at the hands of his men, had to celebrate it? It is really an irony or rather the malice of fate that we are being treated to such absurdities given that the major speakers on both occasions hailed from the NCP or parties affiliated to it. The organizers should have been courageous enough as to identify themselves as NCP members rather than operate under the umbrella of ‘sons Southern Sudan’. The fighting that erupted in Malakal on the day the Presidency assembled in Juba was perhaps a litmus test of the political stratagem of dismantling the CPA we are constantly being reminded of should the president be indicted. So Southern Sudanese should celebrate the promotion of such a person who is busy day and night strategizing to scuttle the agreement? Major General Gabriel Gatwich (Tang-ginye) went to Malakal on orders from Lt. Gen. Salah Abdalla on instigation by some NCP politicians who wear in disguise the SPLM overcoat. Tang-ginye acted efficaciously as an agent provocateur and had the crisis escalated into open war between the SPLA and SAF, the purpose – hoodwinked the SPLM into supporting the NCP against the ICC ostensibly in protection of the CPA – would have been served. I want to look at the episode from a different perspective. I don’t endorse the ICC indictment of the President of the Republic at the same time however I don’t accept impunity. We should be held accountable for our actions. The responsibility exponentially varies with the degree of responsibility. When one has power of death and life over others one carries huge responsibility and this what the international law says. I recall vividly when on May 2006 the National Legislature was recalled to debate the UN Security Council Resolution 1509 in respect of deployment of UN Peace Keeping Forces in Dar Fur. I read the SPLM position which defined protection and how the responsibility for protection of civilians reverts to the UN Security Council when the state fails in its responsibility to protect its citizens. The Sudan Government has been served with such resolutions in order to do something about protecting the civilians in the displaced camps and in the villages but to no avail. The indictment therefore comes as a logical consequence of the failure of the Sudanese Government to protect the civil population in Dar Fur. The SPLM position has been consistent and this came out succinctly clear in the Press Statement released by its Chairman, Comrade Salva Kiir Mayardit. This position was reflected by the silence of the SPLM Presidential Advisors, Ministers and State Ministers in the enlarged meeting of the Council of Ministers on Thursday. They did not see any sense of displaying ‘empty talk’ or ‘rhetoric’ in the Council nor even participate in the demonstration and processions called for by the Government of National Unity. The sensible way to tackle the situation is through diplomatic channels. We may avoid these channels now but sooner than later the wave of protests must wane, people will be exhausted or disenchanted with the whole thing, and we will be forced back into square one of international relations. But this will come after much harm has been done to our relations with one another. It will not be possible to resurrect those senselessly butchered in Malakal at the highest pitch of anti-ICC campaign. I strongly believe that Sudan will never witness foreign troops coming into the country to arrest and take to The Hague President Bashir. The ICC indictment has brought to the surface the internal contradictions within the NCP, thus the public shadow boxing of Ocampo we are watching is indeed the power struggle between the different factions of the NCP. It is a struggle whose resolution will determine whether or not Sudan will realize democratic transformation; whether or not there will be midterm elections; whether or not the North- South borders will be demarcated as they stood on January 1st, 1956; whether or not the people of Southern Sudan and Abyei will ever exercise their inalienable right to self-determination in an internationally supervised referenda and the people of Southern Kordofan/Nuba Mountains and Blue Nile will exercise their respective Popular Consultations in implementation of the CPA protocols. I believe this is the bottom line whether or not President Bashir is indicted. Leaders and political parties come to power and go but the people continue to exist. The future of the Sudan or the full implementation of the CPA, peace and stability in the Sudan should not be tied to one individual called the President of the Republic. The war in Dar Fur must be brought to an end, the displaced persons returned to their homes, the LRA activities in Equatoria should be curtailed, and impunity halted, corruption in government combated, human rights protected and the reign of the rule of law throughout the country. This would be our response – the reverse side – to the ICC and the indictment of President Bashir. Dr. Peter Adwok Nyaba, Khartoum

Written by torit1955

March 12, 2009 at 10:41 am

Posted in Opinions

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GOSS Extravagant Spending in the Past Three Years

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SPLM Show-off Disbursement, Extravagance

By:Helen Anderw

News reports published that the GoSS Minister of Finance said that there is already a laid down intention by his government to evacuate officials living in expensive hotels around Juba using government money.

According to the Minister, every official living in one of those hotels spends at least US$150 per day and that GoSS will no longer pay those officials’ bills.

Considering that those officials were accommodated in Juba hotels since 2005 with at least US$150 per day for each, that means that about one official cost the GoSS since 2005 about US$219,000 (equivalent to SDG438,000,000).
You just imagine the benefit of such a big amount of money to the normal citizen in the south if it is utilized in providing basic health, education, medical services!

Regrettably GoSS step should have been taken early enough and before wasting all these millions in such a show-off disbursement.
GoSS should have concentrated on providing its citizens with the basic services instead spending money in celebrations or other luxuries.
GoSS should direct its limited resources toward productive activities.
Southern Sudan needs development, reconstruction and basic services after all the years of the civil war.

But instead GoSS is adopting the show-off disbursement and directing the resources in the government organs through accommodating its ministers and legislators in Juba hotels costing thousands of dollars daily.
The latest news infiltrated from the south is that GoSS has allocated US$24 million to organize the CPA Fifth Anniversary celebrations which will take place in Malaka

Written by torit1955

January 17, 2009 at 10:22 am

Posted in Corruption

Tagged with , , ,

Malakal Clashes:South Sudan won’t taste peaceful co-existence with this illusive mentality

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By: Reverend Daniel A. Odwel, Malakal

JAN. 17/2009, SSN; Tribes in south Sudan seem unaware about their true
enemy, many people think that their enemy is the Arab (Jallaba) but the
truth of the matter is that our enemy is our illusive mentality of
tribalism disease that is more destructive than the liberation war we
fought for a period of more then fifty years. To me all lives which were
lost during that devastating war were lost for nothing, because history
seems to repeat itself.

Why, during Addis Ababa Agreement Dinka brought division in Juba which
was called Kokora that resulted from their mismanagement, nepotism,
discrimination, favoritism, and claim that they were born to rule?

The same problems which occurred in the eighties are happening today in
South Sudan. People fought the liberation war with hope that Dinka would
have learnt from previous mistakes but that assumption was in vain.
Therefore, the question which needs to be answered is this: did we fight
the deadly war with the so-called Arabs from the North so that Dinka can
have control over every piece of land in south wherever they wish?

The Dinka slogan that said they were ”born to rule” is a great
obstacle; if it isn’t going to be buried nothing will make the South to
progress and achieve any development. The unity will be impossible and
separation will be more impossible. Many ethnic communities in South
Sudan now become more skeptical about the behaviors of Dinka. Others may
decide to join the common enemy to let instability to continue, for
there is no point to remain under Dinka yoke. We are all aware that
every family had paid a price in liberation war. How come one ethnic
community dominates the affairs of the south?

The problem in Malakal goes back to early eighties, when the
commissioner of Jongelei Province, Michael Mario, claimed that his
border with Upper province is in the middle of River Sobat. This
aggressive ambition fuelled up Dinka to think that all Collo land in
west side of Sobat belonged to Jieng.

In order to avoid clashes between the two communities who’ve lived in
peace for long, I wrote an open letter in 2006 to the President of
Southern Sudan Government to defuse the tension, which was caused by
commander George Athor in refusing Collo not to construct their houses
while he allowed Dinka to build in Collo lands. But up to this moment
the President of GOSS, Salva Kiir, did not take any step to resolve the
problem.

Dinka who migrated to Collo land during the war era refused to go back
to their home areas because of misinterpreting the article in the
interim constitution of Southern Sudan, which says ‘any citizen has a
right to live wherever he or she wished.’ But critically, the article
did not allow any citizen to confiscate the land or displace the
original owners of the land.  Indeed, the wrong interpretation of the
laws brings conflict and war.

For your information, the Collo communities west side of Sobat River and
east side of the White Nile south of Malakal were denied to go back to
their homeland, with the ill-intended argument that these places were
still military zones. But the question which needs to be answered is why
did Dinka community build in those places under protection of SPLA?

The described locations now are claimed by Jongelei state to be part of
their territory. Does it mean Dinka have their own border demarcation
given to them by GOSS which is not known to other communities ?

Now, what is the logic for Dinka to claim ownership of Malakal and ask
Collo to leave, “if not they will face the consequences?”

Another evil ambition practiced by Dinka is that on 22th December 2008,
Kurfolus and Atar Dinkas signed an agreement in Malakal indicating that
their County shall be renamed as Canal County and its headquarters will
be in Apew (Adhyithaing), a Collo land fifteen miles south of Malakal.

Up to this moment no government official challenged this move and this
decision was made under the watch of an MP from Juba Legislative
Assembly. Has he been mandated by the Assembly to do so? If answer is
‘Yes’, then the Legislative Assembly will be accountable for instability
and insecurity in Collo land, but if the answer is ‘No; then this MP
must be summoned by the House to give details about that agreement and
their decision of transferring their County to Collo land which is not
part of Jongelei territory.

What is happening now  in Malakal proves the hidden agenda of
transferring all Collo soldiers in SPLA in Upper Nile state to different
places and replacing them with Dinka soldiers to accomplish the goal of
confiscating the Collo Lands. It becomes very clear that the liberation
war was fought for Dinka welfare and not for the whole South benefit.

Ironically, during preparation for the Fourth CPA Celebration in
Malakal, Dinka were told by the organizing committee that they will lead
the procession. Politically, this implies that Malakal belongs to Dinka.
This ideology fueled up the tension that made Collo uncomfortable. When
the governor of Upper Nile state discovered that, he warned the
preparatory committee and cautioned them that this idea will jeopardize
the celebration, arguing that Malakal belongs to Collo and that they’d
lead the procession, but Dinka were not ready to admit that.

Indeed, before the celebration began the tension mounted up that forced
police to dispatch these two communities and prevent them from
participation in the celebration to avoid riots in stadium.
Nevertheless, police reaction brought more confusion, and many people
were injured. Both communities were banned from participating in the
celebration and, after police dispatched them, the celebrations went on
smoothly.

Shocking news emerged at 2:00 am on 10.1.2009 when Dinka slaughtered
Collo in cold blood in Anakadiar, where around 1800 houses were burnt
down and twelve people were killed and three people were injured. The
following day many people were rescued on their way to Malakal by the
army which was sent to search for missing people in nearby bushes.

Consequently, Anakadiar people have become homeless and displaced. This
human atrocity forced the government of Upper Nile to resettle displaced
inhabitants of Anakader in Malakal. Again, last Sunday Dinka burnt down
600 houses in Abanim and Lul killing three people.

By killing Collo, Dinka want to confirm that they’re the masters of
south and they can do whatever they wish, and they did it in the eyes of
the President of GOSS. They want to affirm that Malakal belongs to them
and all Collo on Eastern side of White Nile must evacuate as they
indicated in their memo, which they wrote last October, 2008.
Presumably, the President of Southern Sudan is aware about that claim.

Collo community has full right to revenge, for they have been keeping
quite waiting with hope that the government will intervene to defuse the
situation, but the waiting seems to be in vain. The Collo will take
position of defending themselves from Dinka aggression.

Mr. President of southern Sudan government, your silence may imply that
you’ve sided with your community, which is toxic to co-existence in
southern Sudan. Surely we would like to assure you that the CPA is going
to be in danger, and you will be blamed for that.

There is no way other communities protect the CPA and Dinka dismantle it
with their assumption that they are people who liberated those lands.
This claim is untrue because all families participated in that
liberation war. Collo is going to retaliate for the great lost of lives,
Collo were so keen to keep Malakal in peace despite the fact that they
are still displaced in their home lands by Dinka community who murdered
them in cold blood.

We’ve been protecting the CPA since it was signed but Dinka thought we
were not sensing what they’re practicing at national, regional and even
at state levels. War in Malakal will affect everyone whether in
Khartoum, Juba or abroad because this war will be between two elephants
and ‘the grass’ is going to suffer.

To prevent the escalation of the war in Malakal, the President of the
GOSS must act immediately without wasting more time. The instigators
must be brought to justice, and the government must announce that
Malakal belongs to its original inhabitants who’re Collo. Any community
living within Collo lands must leave to their home towns without any
condition.

Disarmament of all communities must be ensured to avoid further blood
shed of innocent people. All soldiers who’re involved in that killing
must be punished, and people who lost their lives and property must be
compensated.

Written by torit1955

January 17, 2009 at 9:53 am

Dinka Ideology: Is South Sudan Becoming Another Lawless Somalia?

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BY: Jwothab Othow, USA

JAN. 15/2009, SSN; Since the Dinka took the majority rule in the GoSS,
insecurity has increased and land grabbling of tribal lands by Dinka has
become a widespread phenomenon. The whole trouble started in Madi and
Acholi lands in Eastern Equatoria State, and then spread to Maridi land
in Western Equatoria State, and now it has reached the Shilluk Kingdom
in Upper Nile State which borders Northern Sudan. By no means are tribal
conflicts nothing new in South Sudan. Perhaps what are new are the scale
of the conflict and the involvement of SPLA in it.

The conflicts between the Shilluk and Dinka started before the
Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) was signed. History tells us that
Dinka Ngok migrated from Bahr el Ghazal to Upper Nile during the reign
of Reth Abudok Nya Bwoc around 1660. The land the Dinka Ngok currently
inhabit used to belong to Anuak tribe. They came to the area in search
of good grazing lands that resulted in many fights recently in Nakdiar
and Lul areas between them and the Shilluk.

The current problem between Shilluk and Dinka Ngok started when the
latter wrote letter to late Dr. John Garang in 2004, claiming the
ownership of Malakal town and many Shilluk lands. When Salva Kiir took
over the Presidency of South Sudan after the tragic death of Dr. Garang,
this issue was immediately brought before him.

However, President Salva Kiir made no attempt at resolving the matter.
His argument was that the war is not yet over and, therefore, there is
no way for the Dinka to return to their original birth places. This is
nonsense.

The current feud between Dinka and Shilluk flared-up during the fourth
anniversary of CPA celebration held in Malakal, the capital of upper
Nile State, on Friday 9 January. The Dinka agenda was to seize and
occupy areas that historically belong to the Shilluk on the banks of the
Nile and Sobat River. The attack, which was alleged to have been carried
out by Dinka SPLA soldiers, killed dozens of Shilluk in Nakdiar and Lul.

It is an undeniable that the ethnic conflicts in the post-CPA era are
the most influential destabilizing forces in South Sudan which will
destroy the unity of Southerners and hold back southerners from
achieving their aspiration for an independent state. For the Dinka
politicians, this is the only legitimate source for exercising their
non-democratic rule over other minor tribal groupings.

The act of evil ideology of the Dinka is widely viewed as an expansion
and occupation with catastrophic consequences similar to that of
Somalia, not to mention Rwanda. The Dinka Ngok massacred dozens of
Shilluk in their Villages who have nothing to do about the celebration
of the CPA taking place in Malakal. So many peace-loving people among
the Shilluk like Uncle James Ogilo Agor and Rev. Daniel Amum wrote
several letters to Mr. Salva Kiir before to resolve the issue of land
dispute and claim of ownership of Malakal by Dinka Ngok. However, Mr.
Salva Kiir ignored the matters altogether.

It appears President Salva Kiir and his government is trying to adopt
same methods used by the current brutal regime in Khartoum to
marginalize minority tribes and decimate them as well. Like the rest of
the world, we have to respect our diversity, to establish healthy
coexistence, and to maintain the existing boundaries that separate
different communities in South Sudan.

This is proving that the Dinka have a hidden agenda. Mr. Salva, as a
leader, has a definite hand in all of these. This is evidenced in his
handling of the earlier conflicts between the Dinka and Madi, Acholi
tribes in Eastern Equatoria State. Now, the whole thing is spreading
like wildfire in Shilluk lands of Malakal, Upper Nile State. This seems
to be the same behavior that shocked the world in 1994, when the Hutu
extremists in Rwanda carried out an organized genocide that killed more
than 800,000 Tutsis minority in a matter of weeks.

This kind of brutal act by the Dinka Ngok could set back South Sudanese
aspiration for self-determination in 2011. This fact gives many
Northerners a strong argument that we Southerners cannot govern
ourselves. Four years have now passed since the semi-autonomous South
Sudan was given a chance to prove to the whole world that it can govern
itself democratically without alienating and humiliating other minor
tribes.

In pursuing their control over all units of government, the Dinka have
virtually proved the contrary to the world that left alone we can’t rule
ourselves in a civilized way. Dinka can not rule the South alone and
neither can the other minority tribes rule the South without the Dinka.
We need each other in order to have a viable independent state.

The Dinka are ethnocentric people who promote intolerance and
dehumanization of other minorities in South Sudan as seen by the
massacre of the Shilluk people in Upper Nile State. The ethnic hatred
has not been provoked and channeled by the ordinary Dinka, but by the
Dinka politicians whose aim is to strengthen their hold over power.

The Dinka seemed to have used the article in Semi-Autonomous
constitution of South Sudan, which states that the citizens of South
Sudan can live anywhere in south Sudan, for their own political gains.
The correct interpretation of this article is that the citizens of South
Sudan have the right to live in anywhere in South Sudan provided that
they do not occupy the lands that already belong to others.

The political domination by the Dinka over other minorities in the South
appear to be most obstacle to the realization of Peace in South Sudan
and true enemy of the South Sudanese aspiration for an independent state
in 2011.

Many people from various minority tribes in South Sudan have, because of
what happened in Madi and Acholi lands in Eastern Equatioria State and
Shilluk Kingdom in Upper Nile state, doubts about the honesty and
integrity of the Dinka. If the behaviors of the Dinka go unchecked and
the perpetrators who carried out the massacre of dozens of Shilluk and
land grabbing are not brought to justice, South Sudan will be extremely
very unstable for all of us. It will be impossible for South Sudanese to
achieve the goals for an independent South Sudan from North Sudan in
2011.

The Dinka should recall history: Whether militarily or politically the
Dinka stand no chance against the other minorities in South Sudan.
History had shown this: When Mr. Abel Alier of Dinka tribe was ousted
from power as the President of the High Executive Council when the
minority tribes in the Regional Assembly united and elected General
Joseph Lagu. In cohort, the minorities in the assembly selected Mr.
Joseph Tombura from the Zande tribe to lead instead of a Dinka. I’m of
the strong belief the Dinka domination will be a short-lived one because
of backlash from the very people they want to dominate.

Dinka should get it right that Shilluk will never allow anyone to occupy
their land. The Shilluk will do anything within their power, including
the use of military means to defend themselves and their existence.

God forbid, I hope the current conflict between Shilluk and Dinka will
not escalate into full scale war that will impact negatively the outcome
of the 2011 referendum for self-determination for the South. It is
therefore important for the South Sudanese to have peace, harmony, and
coexistence among the diverse ethnic groups prior to attaining
independence from North Sudan. These are both necessary and sufficient
conditions for the attainment of an independent state for the South.

Let us be vigilant and not be sidetracked by issues among us as Southern
Sudanese because the Arab North is working hard day and night to defocus
us from our main goal of getting our own independent state by exploiting
any differences among us for its own benefit

Written by torit1955

January 16, 2009 at 2:28 pm

Posted in Opinions

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Sudan fears US military intervention over Darfur

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The Sudanese president, Omar al-Bashir

The Sudanese president, Omar al-Bashir. Photograph: Ashraf Shazly/AFP/Getty Images

Sudan‘s government is increasingly fearful that the incoming US administration will resort to military intervention to end the six-year-old crisis in Darfur that has killed up to 200,000 people and left 2.7 million homeless, diplomatic sources in Khartoum say.

“There is a great need for us to sound the alarm again about Darfur,” Hillary Clinton, who was endorsed as secretary of state yesterday, told the US Senate this week. “It is a terrible humanitarian crisis compounded by a corrupt and very cruel regime in Khartoum.”

Clinton said the Obama administration, which takes office on Tuesday, was examining a wide range of options, including direct intervention in support of a joint UN-African Union peacekeeping force, known as Unamid, which has struggled to make an impact after beginning operations last year.

“We have spoken about other options, no-fly zones, other sanctions and sanctuaries, looking to deploy the Unamid force to try to protect the refugees but also to repel the militias,” Clinton said. “There is a lot under consideration.” Clinton has previously asserted that the US has a “moral duty” to help Darfurian civilians.

The US accuses Khartoum’s leadership of committing genocide in Darfur. Washington has eschewed direct military involvement since the crisis erupted in 2003, despite growing pressure to act from Sudanese insurgents, exiles, and evangelical Christian groups.

But in a surprise move last week, President George Bush ordered the Pentagon to begin an immediate airlift of vehicles and equipment for the peacekeeping force.

Alain LeRoy, head of UN peacekeeping operations, told the Security Council last month that violence in Darfur was intensifying and stepped-up international involvement was urgently required to avoid a descent into “mayhem”.

Influential US-based pressure groups such as the Save Darfur Coalition and Enough are meanwhile demanding that US president-elect Barack Obama act swiftly to fulfil campaign pledges to take more robust action.

“I will make ending the genocide in Darfur a priority from day one,” Obama said in April. He has also previously backed a toughening of sanctions and said the US might help enforce a no-fly zone.

“Obama is the [ruling] National Congress party’s worst nightmare,” said a diplomat in Khartoum. “They wanted [John] McCain and the Republicans to win. They thought they were pragmatists. They think the Democrats are ideologues. They haven’t forgotten it was the Democrats who bombed them.”

That was a reference to a retaliatory US cruise missile attack on a suspect pharmaceutical factory in Khartoum in 1998, ordered by President Bill Clinton after al-Qaida attacked US embassies in Kenya and Tanzania. Sudan provided a base for the al-Qaida leader, Osama bin Laden, from 1991 until he moved to Afghanistan in 1996.

A source in Khartoum said Sudan’s president, Omar al-Bashir, was especially alarmed by Obama’s selection of Susan Rice, a former Clinton national security council adviser on Africa, as a cabinet member and US ambassador to the UN.

Rice has spoken passionately in the past of the need for US or Nato air strikes, or a naval blockade of Sudan’s oil exports, to halt the violence in Darfur.

Referring to the 1994 Rwanda genocide, she said: “I swore to myself that if I ever faced such a crisis again, I would come down on the side of dramatic action, going down in flames if that was required.”

Bashir felt only “fear and loathing” for Rice and had told aides: “I don’t want to see her face here,” the source said.

Khartoum’s concerns about American intervention extend to southern Sudan, fuelled by reports, denied by the US, that Washington is arming the separatist Sudan People’s Liberation Army.

The SPLA is the military wing of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement with which the north fought a 30-year civil war. Salva Kiir, the SPLM leader and Bashir’s likely rival in elections due later this year, received red carpet treatment by Bush at the White House last week.

“The government knows the US does not arm the SPLA. They’re already heavily armed,” a Khartoum-based diplomat said. “But the US does train them. It helps with logistics, planning, and so on. And they (the SPLA) do need air defence. Whether to provide air defence to the south will be a key question for the Obama administration.”

Fears of direct confrontation with Washington are being fuelled by expectations that the International Criminal Court, backed in this instance by the US, will issue an arrest warrant for Bashir within the coming weeks. The ICC chief prosecutor charged Bashir last year with genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity relating to Darfur.

A call this week by a leading Sudanese opposition figure, Hassan al-Turabi, for Bashir to surrender himself to the ICC to avoid further confrontation with the US and the west has added to tensions in Khartoum. According to family members, Turabi was subsequently arreste

Written by torit1955

January 16, 2009 at 8:56 am

Posted in Global

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Seminar Invitation:Beyond South-North Diachotomy-by Dr Alfred Sebit Lokuji

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PeSeNet Seminar

The Peace and Security Network (PeSeNet) in Southern Africa has conducted research on Obstacles to Peace in the Region (Sudan, Uganda, Kenya, Tanzania, Congo, and Burundi). The paper on Sudan, Obstacles to Peace in the Sudan, will be presented by Dr. Alfred Sebit Lokuji (author) at a Seminar at the University of Juba Seminar Hall (Upstairs, Administration Building) on Saturday, January 17, 2-5 pm only. See the paper here.

In attendance will be Prof. Mwesiga Baregu from the University of Dar es Salaam.

You are cordially invited to participate! Refreshments will be provided. Accept apologies for the late invitation. This had to be coordinated with Dar es Salaam.

Alfred Sebit Lokuji
Sudani (+249) (0) 129 084 550
Gemtel (+256) (0) 477 104 664

“Those who cannot remember history are condemned to repeat it!”
George Santayana.

See the paper here

Written by torit1955

January 15, 2009 at 9:09 am

Posted in Reserches

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Chollo MPs Letter and Demands on Upper Nile Killings

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The 4th anniversary of the CPA celebrations on 9 January in Malakal Town, the capital city of Sou are targeted by their Dinka neighbors for slaughter and th Sudan’s Upper Nile State, turned out to be  a trigger for carnage and blood shed whereby Chollo community mass displacement. Below is a letter written on the the day of the carnage at AnakDiar village, 15 KM out side the city; the MPs letter contains Chollos perspectives of the sad events and what needs to be done to address it.

Also included is a list of demands of the Collo MPs to the authorities:

Moderator

H.E. The Governor, Upper Nile State

Subject: The Unprovoked Attack on Anakdiar.

We, the representatives of the Collo nation in the National, Southern Sudan and Upper Nile State Assemblies would like to submit to you our concerns on the above subject. Yesterday, when the whole Sudan was celebrating the fourth anniversary of the historic signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, fighting took place in the morning between Collo and Dinka tribes over which traditional procession (Yai) should enter the stadium first. Thanks to God, the fighting was limited only to members of the two tribes in the two processions using spears, lances and sticks. Yet several persons from both sides were injured, some of them seriously. The order of the processions appears to be a trivial issue, but it is a serious matter deep-rooted in the claims over the ownership of Malakal town, the location of the celebration. According to tradition, the procession of the owner of the location where the celebration takes place leads all participating processions. It is common knowledge that some elements of the Baliet Dinkas have been claiming ownership of Malakal town and all the Collo areas east of the White Nile and north of Sobat river.

At about 5:00 pm in the evening of the same day, credible reports were received that some elements of the Dinka were preparing to attack Anakdiar. This information was passed to your Excellency officially by the Commissioner of Panyikang County in the Stadium and you confirmed at 7:00 pm that a military force was sent to Anakdiar and you instructed that this information be passed to His Majesty the Reth of Collo and assure him not to worry as things were under control. Your instructions were communicated to His Majesty accordingly. To our bewilderment and dismay, Anakdiar was attacked at about 2:00 am today by armed Dinka. They found no resistance of any sort. More than fifteen lives were lost, some people burnt in their houses, scores wounded and thousands displaced. The force that your Excellency assured us to have left for Anakdiar in the evening yesterday never left at all. Only a Police force on their own initiative left for Anakdiar at about 9:00 am today!! This callous murder of innocent people must be condemned in the strongest terms possible and the perpetrators apprehended to face the full brunt of the law. The displaced persons who found their way to Malakal town arrived in very miserable conditions and yet received very little attention from the authorities. We are grateful to the foreign NGOs that were on the scene. If these displaced persons were to go back to their areas at all, the Government authorities must provide them with the protection they trust.

This incident is not an isolated one.We are receiving reliable reports of moves by elements of the same tribe to attack Collo areas they claim to be theirs, such as Lul, Obang (Canal Mouth), Atar, etc. In fact in Lul area, Abanim village was burnt to ashes, several people killed and others captured. It is, therefore, clear that there is a well coordinated plan to seize Collo land by the force of arms. We are deeply concerned that the authorities are not taking serious measures to arrest these unprovoked attacks nor resolve the issues at the centre of the dispute. It will be recalled that since the late 1970s, some elements of the Dinka have been disputing the boundary between them and Collo nation claiming some areas to belong to them. The Collo had responded by writing petitions to the Regional Government of Southern Sudan at that time. We thought the matter was laid to rest when the Minister of Administration by then, Mr Hilary Paul Logali, and the Minister of Decentralization later, Mr Charles Kuot Chatim, both ruled in Collo’s favour. These elements of the Dinka brought up the issue once more in 1995 and as usual the Collo responded by addressing the authorities concerned. Again, the Collo won the case. What surprises us now is that when these elements of the Dinka revived their unfounded claims in 2004 and thereafter, nothing was done despite Collo’s legitimate demand that the Government of Southern Sudan (GOSS) sets up a committee to demarcate the border between the two tribes once and for all. The petitions of the Collo supported by the necessary documents in that respect were delivered to the highest authorities in the GOSS including the President and the Vice President. It is also to be noted that over the same period, the Collo were disarmed while their neighbouring tribes were not. In light of the repeated and continuous provocations in the form of unsigned seditious leaflets and now armed attacks and in view of the clear unwillingness or inability of the authorities in Government of Southern Sudan to settle the dispute peacefully, we find ourselves, as representatives of our people, with no moral authority to restrain any more those who would be forced to pay the aggressors in their own coin. Every person has a legitimate right to self-defence. It is our sincere hope that the authorities in Upper Nile State and the Government of Southern Sudan will act firmly and swiftly at this eleventh hour to address this very serious situation by putting an end to violence, bringing the perpetrators to book and resolving the border dispute for good in accordance with the borders of 1/1/1956. This is the only way to have stability and peaceful coexistence in the area. Thank you.

Signed by: Members of the Collo nation in the National, Southern Sudan and Upper Nile State Assemblies as per the attached list.

c.c. The President of the Republic of Sudan;

c.c. The President of the Government of Southern Sudan; c.c. The Vice President of the Government of Southern Sudan. Members of the Collo nation in the National, Southern Sudan and Upper Nile State Assemblies who signed the petition (in alphabetical order).

1. The National Assembly:

1. Mr Ezekiel Mojwok Aba

2. Dr Lam Akol Ajawin

3. Dr Mario Arenk Awet

4. Mr Onyoti Adigo Nyikwac

5. Dr William Othwonh Awer

2. Southern Sudan Legislative Assembly

1. Mr Angelo Gwang

2. Dr Charles Yor Odhok

3. Mr Joseph Bol Chan

4. Mr Samson Oyay Awin

3. Upper Nile State Legislative Assembly

1. Mr Acwany Arop Denyong

2. Mr Gabriel Oyo Aba

3. Mr Juliano Nyawelo Dak

4. Mr Kosti Amuj

5. Mr Mahdi Khalifa Shambali

6. Mrs Martha Angar

7. Mr Mustafa Gai Lwal 8. Mr Nyilek Chol

9. Mr Peter Awol Alijok 10. Mrs Rita John

11. Mr Samuel Aban Acien

12. Mr Santino Ajang Aban

13. Mr Santino Ocai Opun

End.

DEMANDS PRESENTED BY THE COLLO REPRESENTATIVES IN THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY, SOUTHERN SUDAN LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY AND UPPER NILE STATE ASSEMBLY TO H.E. THE GOVERNOR ON 12/1/2009.

1.      The arrest of the attackers and subjecting them to trial.

2.      Formation of investigation committees on the incidents and the circumstances
surrounding them.  Such committees must include Collo as members.

3.      The protection of Collo areas with forces they trust.

4.      The naming of the counties according to the message of the Chairman of the
SPLM dated October 2004.

5.      Demarcation of the borders of counties within the State in accordance with the
borders of 1/1/1956.

6.      Taking firm measures against those who incite tribal hatred and sedition.

7.      Stopping the misuse of power and refraining from exploiting state organs to the
service of tribal ends.

8.      Disciplining the authorities of Radio Malakal for allowing the transmission through
it of provocative and seditious material.

9.      Disciplining the officer that the Governor ordered to move a force to Anakdiar
on the 9th instant for failing to execute the order.

10.      The State authorities must take serious steps so as to return the areas of the State
occupied by the Jonglei State.

11.      Taking care of the displaced persons and rendering the necessary services to
them.

12.       Compensation of all the persons affected by the recent incidents.

End

Photos:

Galwak Deng (Governor of Upper Nile, recieve Salva and Riek

Galwak Deng (Governor of Upper Nile, recieve Salva and Riek

Omar al Bashir being entertained as fighting over procession order goes on

Omar al Bashir being entertained as fighting over procession order goes on

Written by torit1955

January 15, 2009 at 8:26 am

Shifting Alliances:SPLM Turns its Back on its Muslim Members in Favour of NCP Hardliners

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As a sign of shifting coalitions and political patronage in the South, New Sudan Islamic Council (NSIC)  is facing drastic shift in its leadership structures and objectives. Since the demise of Dr. John Garang in July 2005,  Following the demise of John Garang in July 2005, NSIC, like most of the institutions of SPLM, faced dramatic struggles to cope with the and lose of support and changes within the Movement. The NSIC who are associated with SPLM since its formation in 1989 have now lost to pro- NCP leaders including renegade commander Sheikh Al Tahir Bior Ajak, dieheart Islamists like the former Commissioner of Bor Locality Sheikh Biech (Bish) and a former NCP leader Mangu Ajak (from Upper Nile.

This lead Mr. Mahmoud E Yusuf to tender his resignation to SPLM Chairman whom he believed have aided NCP to take over the organizations.

Why is SPLM handing over its own “synficated organization” to NCP?  It is this part of a secret deal reached between Riek Machar and Ali Taha in a meeting they held in November 2008?

Moderator

To: His Excellency Left General Salva Kiir Mayardit, Chairman of the Sudanese People Liberation Movement (SPLM). Through: His Excellency General Pagan Amom Okeg, Secretary General of SPLM

Subject: RESIGNATION

Since seventies, the hope for initiative that may bring total change into Sudanese society was a vision that embraced many, till the Sudanese People Liberation Army/Movement (SPLM/A) was launched on May 16, 1983. Personally I first contacted SPLM in Khartoum in August 1983, representing the United Patriotic Front, and delegated by Mr. Mukhtar Ebied to seek means for corporation and coordination between the two Movements. Since1991 we worked under the National Democratic Alliance (NDA), in Uganda with great hopes to fulfill dreams of our Sudanese people, by uplifting injustice and marginalization subjected by the center. Failed to be trained militarily, when accepted the Secretary General post of New Sudan Islamic Council (NSIC) in March 1996, appointed by Cdr Altahir Bior Ajack, I truly thought it was the Movement’s Islamic wing, in the context of aiming at causing changes in different aspects of life. Since its formation in 1991, NSIC looks like an orphan organization, due to the nature and propaganda lodged by Khartoum Governments during the war and negative stands taken by SPLM leaders, particularly in response to separation of Religion and State and as a defense measure from Arabization policies, in an odd environment where Islamic religion continually under pressures and questions! I worked to promote human values existed in Islam, as it is in other religions, particularly when I became the Chairman of NSIC on 16th February 1999, after nominated by late hero Cdr. Yousif Kuwa Makee, and endorsed by the late hero Dr. John Garang De-Mabior. Within that capacity, I managed to raise morals of our Muslims fellows in SPLA and gave religious justification to SPLM positions, above all we managed to establish environment of tolerance and peace that may help in establishing modern Islamic Center for Religious Teaching (MICRT), as derived from our developed vision towards Islam. Within the process of establishing the structure bases of NSIC, the South Sudan Islamic Council (SSIC) was formed on 24-28 April 2005, at a conference in Yei town (after personal permission from Your Excellency),at which I was elected a Chairman. We managed to achieve common ground with our brothers in the New Sudan Council of Churches, through two Conferences, the first in Yei on April 26, 2005 and the second in Jinja on August 30th to 4th September 2005.Your Excellency, before the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) on January 9, 2005, and after formation of Government of South Sudan (GOSS) in October 2005, we prepared ourselves, later requested authorization for reception of Islamic properties in South Sudan and to start formation of NSIC at State levels, instead, we faced great difficulties, as shown in the followings sequences: 1- On January 4, 2005, I wrote a Concept Paper On Islamic Activities During The Interim Period, to Dr. John Garang De-mabior, Chairman of SPLM and C-In-C of SPLA, with copies to both Governors Cdr Malik Agar Eyre, and Cdr Abdulaziz Adam Alhilu. 2- Strange enough, I handled Your Excellency above Concept Paper inNairobi, on Faraday, July 29, 2005. 3- On October 2005, and for more than three weeks, I failed to meet Your Excellency Khartoum office, regarding the Council. 4- Around December 2005, I met the Vice President, H.E. Dr. Riek Machar Teny, who promised to send me a ticket in June 2006 to come to Juba for re-organization of NSIC, unfortunately that never happened. 5- After nearly three months waiting in Juba, I met Your Excellency on January 2007, where you promised the followings: a. Consult with Minister of Legal Affairs on the legal statues of the NSIC. b. Appointing me in another post in addition to the NSIC Chairmanship. 6- On March 27, 2007, I hastily returned Juba, after a talk with MR. Martin Majut Yak, Director of Your Excellency office, who claimed that, Your Excellency had appointed me a Senior Advisor at the Ministry of Gender, Social, and Religious Affairs! Unfortunately after more than one and half month waiting in Juba, denied all that! 7- On April 20, I received a letter with Ref: MoPA\I.D.2 dated April 13, 2007, from Your Excellency office, to meet H.E. Mary Kiden, ministry of Gender, Social, and Religious Affairs, for registration of South Sudan Islamic Council, unfortunately she was executing a different plan regarding South Sudan Islamic Council. 8- On May 27, 2007 both SPLM-GOSS/NCP-GNU agreed to form Islamic Committees all over South Sudan which should organize Muslims for their final Conference, these resolutions were signed by His Excellency Dr. Riek Machar Teny Vice President of the GOSS, without attendance or consultations of SPLM Muslims. 9- Finally, the authorization for establishing State Committees, as regulated by above agreement was granted by H. E. Dr. Riek Machar Teny V. P. of GOSS, by a letter No GOOS/VPO/J/56.p, dated July 20, 2007, unfortunately instead of calling me, it was handled to Ezaldin Nimir Deng, together with amount of money, unfortunately, Ezaldin hamper that process. 10- On August 3, 2007, I met H.E. Dr. Riek Machar, the V. P. of GOOS in Nairobi, who promised to send me an air ticket on August 17, 2007, and accommodation in Juba, that never materialized. 11- On November 8, 2007 His Excellency Dr. Riek Machar Teny Vice President of the GOSS, wrote a letter No GOOS/VPO/J/56-A.1, dated 8/11/2007, to H. E. Mary Kiden, Minister of Gender, Social Welfare and Religious Affairs, mentioning for first time that Mr. Altahir Bior Ajak, as Chairman of NSIC, and to lead the process of reorganizing Muslims in South Sudan. 12- On December 3, 2007, Altahi Bior Aljack used above letter, he formed Islamic Committees in Southern States, these Committees composed mostly from members of NCP and Islamic Movement )IM(, something they never dream of. NCP members in these lists range from 88% in Central Equatoria State to 70% in East Equatoria State and 63% in Upper Nile State. 13- Around December 27, 2007, I met H. E. Pagan Amom, SPLM SecretaryGeneral in Nairobi, who promised me a ticket and accommodation in Juba. 14- After arriving Juba on January 21, 2007, I issued a Memorandum on February 18, 2008, proving legitimacy and exposing NCP relation with Mr. Altahr Bior and his formed structures. 15- On March 31, 2008, Governor of Central State H. E. General Klement Wani Konga together with Minister of Social Development, H.E. Huda Micheal Lyla, were called by the Vice President H. E. Dr. Riek Machar Teny, with presence of Altahir Bior and his Committee for Central Equatoria, where the Minister was asked to handle Islamic Institutions to that Committee. 16- On April 9, 2008, I gave Your Excellency, a letter signed by forty SPLM Muslims Members in Central Equatoria, opposing above move. 17- That was culminating with great oppositions from different groups, and letter by H. E. General Klement Wani Konga, Governor of the Central Equatoria State, on April 13, 2008, in which he stated the presence of problems within the Islamic community in his State. 18- These faithful efforts were behind the intervention of Your Excellency, calling both disputed parties to a meet in your office on April 30, 2008, (after listening to the parties, in which it was mentioned that I am not a Southern, and that I am a Darfurian), Your Excellency stated the following (what we thought) three guidelines: I- That, Nuba, Fung and people of Darfur had participated in the liberation war, and have rights for different posts. II- II- When Altahir Bior migrated to Australia, New Sudan Islamic Council as an establishment belongs to the Movement was running by nominated person. III- The Vice President Dr. Riek Machar appointment of Altahir Bior was not proper, because he didn’t took action against the one who was running the office. 19- At the end of the above meeting, Your Excellency asked us to come on May 2, 2008. Unfortunately, that never took place due to fallen of our Heroes, the Ministry of Defense and his collages. 20- On August 16, 2008, I was asked to participate in the sub-committee of the executive committee between SPLM-GOSS/NCP-GNU, then my name with other three Muslims were added to the delegation to be heading to Khartoum, chaired by H. E. Dr. Riek Machar, who added Altahir Bior name, and called both of us to his house on August 17, 2008. In the meeting, he asked to be briefed on our meeting with Your Excellency on April 30, 2008. In which he said he didn’t know that I am the Chairman of both NSIC and SSIC, then he cancelled our traveling with his delegation. 21- On August 19, 2008, I wrote Your Excellency, explaining above meeting and requesting recognition, particularly after H. E. Dr. Riek Machar mentioning that he “didn’t know that I am Chairman of both NSIC and SSIC”. 22- On August 25, 2008 H.E. Dr. Riek Machar called both of us (me and Altahir Bior) to his office that, saying NSIC file was brought back to his office, hence I asked him to determine who is the Chairman of NSIC, he said he already did that on November 8, 2008, but he wants me to work under the chairmanship of Altahir Bior, later he start forming a committee headed by Altahir Bior, with my name as the secretary general I protested, finally I withdraw from the meeting (after taking his permission),deciding to resign. 23- I was requested by many SPLM Members (Muslims in particular) not to resign. 24- Two days later, H.E. Mary Kiden, ministry of Gender, Social, and Religious Affairs, was called by H.E. Dr. Riek Machar and a list of NSIC delegate was presented to her, it even contains two names of NCP members; they were to met with Islamic organizations in the NCP. To make some balance, the ministry of Gender, Social, and Religious Affairs added some SPLM members names. 25- On September 4, 2008 a meeting was hold in Heron Camp Hotel in Juba, bringing together NSIC headed by Altahir Bior, South Sudan Supreme Islamic Council of NCP headed by Shiekh Bish and South Sudan Islamic Association of Khartoum of NCP headed by Mongo Ajack. The organizers were ex-NCPmembers, hence SPLM members added by the ministry of Gender, Social, and Religious Affairs were denied entrance; a decision was made by loyalists SPLM Muslims members to boycott the meeting, a note and Memorandum was presented to H.E. Dr. Riek Machar, with a copy to Your Excellency. 26- After withdrawal, SPLM member Ramadan Hassan Lako mediated between us, we agreed to participate, with certain conditions, unfortunately on his return, he found them already formed a steering committee, headed by Altahir Bior with both Shiekh Bish and Mongo Ajack as deputies. 27- On that day, September 5, 2008, we were informed that Your Excellency stopped the meeting, and directed us to attend Your Excellency Ramadan Breakfast for Muslims, as delivered to us by Mr. Martin Majut. Unfortunately, the group ended their meeting that night, with pre-arranged formations. 28- We tried our best to hold on our legitimacy, and on October 4, 2008 we hold press conference at Begin Hotel, in which we refer to Your Excellency above three guidelines (18-II), which express continuation and legitimacy of my Chairmanship of NSIC, hence I decided to use that authorization to form NSIC-State Committees and the NSIC Executive Committee, which I started previously with Upper Nile State and presently with both Central and East Equatoria States, bearing in mind Altahir is only Chairman of steering Committee. 29- On October 6, 2008, Your Excellency issued direction to States Governors to handle Islamic properties to Mr. Altahir Bior Ajack, a decision which we respected, but it changed balances of the situation, and caused great demoralization to Muslims members of SPLM. 30- On October 20, 2008 I was call by the South Sudan Public Security, and directed by Deputy Director to stop issuing memorandums and organizing meetings and forming committees, the Director was in the office. It was my hope that such request should have been issued by the SPLM party organs rather than the security organ, funny enough it coincided with October 21, 1964 anniversary. 31- On November 2, 2008, we formed a Committee from SPLM Muslims members, to met the SPLM Secretary General to request for covey a meeting for SPLM Muslims Members, in order to elect their legitimate body. Your Excellency, I continued the second struggle during the past three years motivated by internal believes in our noble objectives, regardless of several unfulfilled promises. That struggle was based on the right of SPLM Muslims to manage and administrate Islamic affairs through the NSIC (we aimed giving NCP percentages as stipulated by the CPA), and we fought for that regardless of these promises, with a single objective, which is to uphold the values that ignited these struggles. In the middle of all these confusions and tricks, was the Political Islam which was used by several group of people to undermine human dignity throughout human history, as we know it was severely misused against our marginalized people in the past and present war of Darfur. It was my fate to be in charge of such institution, while aiming at causing great reforms through well studied programs and in collaboration with other Scholars and Reformists, all of which intended at causing great changes, that may help saving next generations from repeating mistakes committed against us, unfortunately I was left alone confronting well trained, well financed and well organized group of people, who doesn’t care after moral values in achieving their goals. Maybe our memory is start fading, but who are those people? NCP emerged from the Salvation Regime which took power on June 30, 1989, the Salvation was a camouflage used by the National Islamic Front (NIF) to take power, NIF which was an intelligent coalition formed in 1985, started in Sudan by the Muslims Brotherhood, as propagated by some Egyptian Teachers in 1953, it change name in 1964 to Charter Front, then around 1972 the name was changed back to Muslim Brotherhood. Political Islam implemented by above group and others worldwide, had brought great suffering to humanity during the past three decades, we in SPLM/A knows much better than others what dose they stand for, and their means in implementing these goals. Based on our believes in peace and reconciliation, obtained from the core of Islamic teaching and modern Human developments, we had forgive them for what they did, but we can’t forget the Jihad war and the renegade description given to Muslims members of SPLM/A, it was one of the issues that had caused great pains to our late Hero Cdr. Yousif Kuwa Makee, it was these acts which forced us to search for ways to bring reforms into Islam, and to implement Humanity Islam, which was proofed by Prof. Abdullahi Ahmed An-Naím to represent the Shariea in it is highly developed process. From this brief outlines it is clear that, this is an ideological struggle between reformists and those whose aims are controlling others mentality and destiny. Within that context we planned to reconcile with NCP Muslims members as I explained to Your Excellency on January 2007, it was based on Reconciliatory Conference aimed at integrating them into the society and bringing peace within Muslims Community. Unfortunately, these and the proposed Islamic reforms we intended to implement, were a notion that lacks a time-frame., Your Excellency, the logic of God and life could seem odd and strange to ours, as I thought we could have enhanced developments of Sudanese people, in different aspects, the Islamic religion among which. Thus the dispute within the NSIC was a crucial stage for the Movement, as it showed the planning and determinations of the NCP, it also showed our weakness and lack of vision and ideas towards important questions such as Islamic Religion. As seen, great efforts were made by many SPLM loyalists to avert present dilemma and future consequences, unfortunately recognizing the Steering Committee, represents great setback, great sorrow to Muslims within the Movement and a personal tragedy for me, simply because the Steering Committee represents the same NCP committees formed last year, by Altahir Bior (as seen in his last committees dominated by NCP), and above all it is against what we were fighting for two decades. These mentioned efforts were aimed at establishing much better Muslims society and to achieve the basic changes dreamed by our people, the late hero Cdr. Yousif Kuwa Makee, and to protect our people and society from the current world experiences. On the other hand, while in power, possessing revolution legitimacy, we failed to utilize that by proper investment in Islamic institution that was established by SPLM itself (NSIC), hence this also shows a personal failure for someone who never join any political party and dedicated himself toward establishment of perfect society, as the past paragraphs can showed. Finally, since there is a rumor that, I am the obstacle for NSIC been recognized by some top SPLM executive (as I lack the tribal criteria), I decided to bow down for others to lead for that change, and decided to present my resignation as Chairman of South Sudan Islamic Council, Chairman of New Sudan Islamic Council and SPLM Membership, while doing so, I am apologizing to our fellow Muslims and others who were with great expectations for a meaningful change we were aiming for. Sincerely, Yours Mahmoud E. Yousif Juba, November 15, 2008 yousif_474@yahoo.com/

Written by torit1955

January 9, 2009 at 1:31 pm

Eastern Equatoria State Grapples with High Levels of Youth Uneployment and Crime

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Eastern Equatoria State has recently seen a new form of crime i.e. organized crimes including assassinations and acts of arson. At least two prominent staff senior government officials, both working for the state ministry of local government, were killed in dubious circumstances:  Ms Consy, an office manager in the office of the ministry and Joseph Abahala, the Director General of the same ministry.

Moderator
By Peter Lokale Nakimangole

TORIT, December 30, 2008 (Gurtong) – The Deputy Governor of Eastern Equatorial State, His Excellency George Echom Ekeno, has expressed concern with the high rates of unemployment of university graduates in the state.

In an exclusive interview with Gurtong on Monday 29th December, Ekeno, who is also the State Minister of Local Government, confirmed that about two-thirds of the youth in the state remain unemployed despite having graduated from  marketable courses.

He explained that due to the frustrations of studying hard in the hope of getting jobs and failing to do so, the idle youths have resorted to theft and other sorts of crimes in order to sustain their livelihoods.

“This is one of the major problems facing the unemployed youth and the State Government is trying to contain it by creating job opportunities in the coming year in an attempt to reduce the rate of crimes which currently appears rampant,” Ekeno said.

He also said that there is need for the Government of South Sudan to intervene and create employment opportunities so as to curb crime since similar cases and sometimes worse scenarios have emerged in the semi-autonomous South Sudan capital, Juba.

In other developments, State Minister for Education, Science and Technology, Francis Ben Ataba, said that his ministry has absorbed all those qualified for teaching fields and still seeks more recruits should they be available as per the previous advertisements.

“So far, about 150 newly employed teachers only this year are already on board and we are still targeting more teachers in the coming year because we have a wide gap to be filled,” asserted the minister.

The State Minister for Health, Flora Nighty Otto, also said that her ministry is understaffed hence compromising on the quality of services rendered to the locals.

Written by torit1955

January 7, 2009 at 9:55 am

S. Sudan evicts civil servants from hotels to cut costs

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c

S. Sudan evicts civil servants from hotels to cut costs
Written by Badru Mulumba
January 1, 2009: As the hospitality industry in Juba ushered the new year with pomp and pageantry, what was in the mind of many officials was how to cushion  the industry from losses in the coming year.

The Government of Southern Sudan on Wendesday ordered eviction of all public servants accommodated in hotels by January 1, 2009, a move industry players see as a blow to the struggling industry.

The order, triggered by partly the world’s economic crisis, is likely to leave some hotels reeling from losses moving into 2009, as reduced competition sets off a drop in room prices. But it could also spark a rise in housing prices in a city that doesn’t have many housing structures.

Hotels and accommodation sites in Juba generally depend on the government staff—from directors to  their assistants at ministries — for their earnings, for up to $300 a night.

“All the employees who are being accommodated in the hotels have to leave immediately,” said Finance Minister Kuol Athain. “By January 1, 2009, nobody will be accommodated in the hotels.”

The decision to house government staff in hotels was taken during an extraordinary ministerial meeting in March 2006. Five decades of civil war, with the latest round lasting 21 years, wiped out most of the infrastructure in Southern Sudan, leaving government staff with no houses.

But many Sudanese say the staff has stayed too long in hotels, and that the government should have taken the initiative to build houses for its employees  and improve living conditions of the ordinary people instead of wasting public money.

However, Finance minister Kuol Athain said the estates have never been constructed because there was no Land Act.

Land is still a touchy issue in Sudan, but the Land Act that was recently passed is expected to streamline land issues.

In a circular issued on the eve of 2009, by the Ministry of Public Service, undersecretaries are also directed to stop payment to hotels.

“They must forthwith stop paying GoSS employees resident in hotels with immediate effect,” according to the circular, signed by Martin Elia Lomuro, the Parliamentary Affairs Minister and currently acting Public Service Minister.

“Failure to comply with the resolutions of the GoSS, as reinforced by this ministerial order, implies corrupt indulgence and constitutes a serious violation punishable by law.”

The circular also asks hotel managers in Juba to immediately provide the ministry with the particulars of government employees in hotels, including payment details, within 72 hours from the date of issuance of the order. The government says the eviction plan would “protect the inalienable right of the people of Southern Sudan to good governance.”

It was not immediately clear how much the government hoped to save  from the eviction plan– and the finance minister said ministries often pay the bill through different accounts, making it hard to approximate the cost.

“It depends on ministry by ministry that are paying,” Mr Athain said. “But we are going to save a lot of money.”

But while the circular was issued December 31, the decision to evict staff from hotels was taken by the ministerial order passed in November.

Written by torit1955

January 4, 2009 at 12:42 pm

PASTORAL LETTER OF THE SUDAN CATHOLIC BISHOPS

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“BE MESSENGERS OF PEACE”

PASTORAL   LETTER

OF
THE SUDAN CATHOLIC BISHOPS

TO   ALL   CHRIST’S FAITHFUL
AND PEACE-LOVING SUDANESE

YAMBIO, 15th NOVEMBER 2008


Table of Contents

1.   Greetings and Preamble………………………………
2.    The Current Situation…………………………………
2.1 Government of National Unity ………………………
2.2 The Government of South Sudan……………….……
3.  Exhortation and Message………………………………
3.1 To our Leaders…………………………………………
3.1.1 Darfur and Eastern Sudan Crises…………………
3.2 To all Sudanese Citizens………………………………
3.2.1 Obligation for Genuine Elections…………………..
3.2.2 Human Dignity………………………………………
3.2.3 Family………………………………………………..
3.2.4 Common Good and Private property………………
3.2.5 Call to Justice and Peace……………………………
3.2.6 Change of Attitude………………………………….
3.2.7 Appeal for Reconciliation…………………………..
3.2.8 Duties and Obligation as Believers…………………
3.2.9 Priests…………………………………………………
3.2.10 Religious in the consecrated life…………………..
3.2.11 Catechists…………………………………………..
3.2.12 To the International Community…………………
4. Call to prayer!…………………………………………………..

1.   Greetings and Preamble
Dear People of God in the Sudan,
Grace and peace to you from God our Father and the Lord Jesus Christ (cf. 1 Cor 1:3). “We give thanks to God always for all of you remembering you in our prayers unceasingly.” (1Thess. 1:2)
We, Bishops of the Sudan, in our annual plenary meeting in Yambio from 5th – 15th November 2008:  aware of the political and social situation in our country and cognisant of our obligation as religious leaders, are mindful of the words of St. Paul to Timothy:
I charge you in the presence of God and of Christ Jesus, who will judge the living and the dead, and by his appearing and his kingly power: proclaim the word; be persistent whether it is convenient or inconvenient; convince, reprimand, encourage through all patience and teaching.  For the time will come when people will not tolerate sound doctrine but following their own desires and insatiable curiosity, will accumulate teachers and will stop listening to the truth and will be diverted to myths.  But you, be self-possessed in all circumstances; put up with hardship; perform the work of an Apostle; fulfil your ministry. (2 Tim 4: 1-5)
Urged by this mandate, we, Bishops, write to you this message to highlight the situation of our country in the context of the interim period after the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA).

2.    The Current Situation
The signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement silenced the guns and the violence. It aroused hope and expectation in your hearts for a better future. We noted with great satisfaction and joy the beginning of stability, the beginning of the return of refugees and internally displaced people to their respective homelands, the reunion of families, the organisation of civil administration, the safe, free movement of peoples and the initiation of socio-economic development.
The Government of Sudan (GOS) and the Sudan Peoples’ Liberation Movement / Army (SPLM/A), signed a Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) on 9th January 2005.
For years, the people of the Sudan lived in a situation of fear and hopelesseness. However, reason and mutual accommodation prevailed in the end. All the parties realized fully that the road is still a long one, that there would be great difficulties and that the only way forward was to come to peace.
It is our earnest hope that the implementation of the CPA will proceed promptly and without much contention. This of course requires from all Sudanese citizens continuous vigilance, mutual understanding, confidence and good faith. Besides this the Darfur Peace Agreement and the Eastern Sudan Peace Agreement were signed but not honoured. There has to be an end to this abrogation of peace.
The paramount goal is to reach and construct permanent peace in the Sudan once and for all. To realize such a desired end, all Sudanese people, including their friends, must remain actively involved and engaged in support of the implementation of the CPA. This requires the building of bridges of confidence between them. This is a factor which will serve the rights and interests of all parties. Another important requirement is to create the right atmosphere to achieve meaningful progress, without mental restriction or dubious statements.
We have to look forward to the days of permanent peace with hope and optimism. We must remain confident that both the Southern and the Northern Sudanese people desire to live in justice, peace and dignity. We have suffered long enough from bloodshed and tension. We are entitled to a new era of peaceful co-existence. Let us all vow to turn a new page in the history of our troubled nation.
We wish to call special attention to the issues that we believe are important in the national debate in the future election campaign and in the years to come. These brief summaries do not indicate the depth and details of the positions we have taken in this regard in the documents cited in this pastoral letter
2.1.  Government of National Unity
While we commend the efforts of the Government of National Unity and the progress that has been made so far, we caution that the signing of any peace agreement is one aspect and its implementation is another. Due to many key items in the protocols which have not been honoured, we see that the CPA is mid-way progress as there remains great dissatisfaction which causes alarm and may lead to dangerous consequences. This is because of:
”    Non -implementation of National Reconciliation and healing process
”    Non-release of the results of the census
”    Delay in demarcation of North/South borders and the refusal of the National Congress Party to accept the report of the Abyei Boundary Commission (ABC).
”    Lack of full care, discipline and control of the military armed forces.
”    Inadequate repatriation process of the displaced persons from northern Sudan and Sudanese refugees from the neighbouring countries to their home areas.
”    The lack of serious consideration of the aspirations of the Nuba people
”    The deviation of resources earmarked for peace-building and development.
”    The deterioration in the political situation in Darfur and Eastern Sudan

2.2.  The Government of South Sudan
We appreciate the enormous work the Government of South Sudan has so far done in the field of security, reconstruction and construction. To rebuild a nation in a post-war situation is an enormous task and we encourage all the indigenous people to persevere in all efforts to lead the Sudanese people to a lasting peace.
In South Sudan, the Nuba Mountains and Southern Blue Nile, the experience of the last three years shows serious challenges which include:
1.    Lack of clear vision on fundamental issues, for example: good governance, respect of human rights and the rule of law.
2.    Being far from the people and not listening attentively  enough to their voices
3.    Appointments to public offices without giving due consideration to experience and qualifications; tribalism and nepotism in employment and promotion.
4.    Inefficiency, corruption in some public offices and enormous waste of resources.
5.    The Government of South Sudan (GOSS) is not educating people enough to consider the option of self-determination as expressed in the CPA.
6.    The disturbing practice of sidelining and rejection of people who had remained in the Government controlled towns in North Sudan (who are considered somehow in the South as arabaized and collaborators with the Northerners) and those who had left the country for refuge, and yet contributed in various ways to the achievement of the CPA is really a serious issue to consider
7.    Lack of security and killings with impunity continue unabated in some parts of South Sudan, Nuba Mountains and Southern Blue Nile.
8.    Prolonged and ineffective negotiations between the Lord’s Resistance Army and the Uganda Government mediated by the Government of South Sudan and the United Nations.
9.    The violation of the sovereignty of the Sudan by the presence of the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) in South Sudan, particularly in Western Equatoria State, is a source of insecurity to the population.
10.    We highlight the insecurity caused by the Ambororo nomadic tribe in Western Equatoria State and Western Bahr El Ghazal State as being destructive to the indigenous people.
11.    Slow development in providing services in Education, Health and other social services is hindering the development of our people.
Aware of these negative aspects which prevail at present, it is difficult to envisage how the elections which are due to be held in July, 2009 and the Referendum scheduled for January, 2011, can take place with fairness and transparency if these issues are not addressed.

3.  Exhortation and Message
3.1. To our Leaders
We first address the leaders. Over recent years much has been demanded of the leadership, who showed an exemplary spirit of sacrifice and commitment during wartime. However, the expectations and hopes placed in you, the leaders after the signing of the CPA, have not been fully met and have even been seriously eroded. A sense of disappointment and dissatisfaction reigns at present.
We therefore call upon you, our leaders, to heed and respond to the cry of your people. The Comprehensive Peace Agreement has provided opportunities to reach a lasting peace in the Sudan. To miss these opportunities of God’s gift of peace is a betrayal of the trust of the people in Leadership.  Our thoughts and prayers go to the thousands of people who died in the struggle for Justice and Peace. Our hearts ache for the orphaned children, widows, and those maimed. We are preoccupied with the uncertainties of the future of our youth and the direction of our country.
It is on the basis of this trust, that we urge you, the leaders, to give clear answers to current issues, however complex and difficult they may be. You must always keep the human person at the centre of all national decisions. More particularly, St. Paul, the Apostle, cautions those called for service with these words: “For you were called for freedom, brothers. But do not use this freedom as an opportunity for the flesh; rather, serve one another through love. ‘You shall love your neighbour as yourself’. But if you go on biting and devouring one another, beware that you are not consumed by one another.” (Gal. 5:13-15)
You have been appointed to be the servants of your brothers and sisters. To ‘minister’ means to serve and those who serve must be endowed with spiritual and moral values, be competent, accountable and transparent in rendering stewardship to the people entrusted to your care.  It is important to understand that your example and integrity reflect the way you render your service to your people.
As Government of South Sudan, much is expected to caution and help the people of South Sudan to exercise their rights to self-determination which are very well expressed in the CPA. The right to self-determination should not be condoned at the expense of making the option of  unity attractive. The people of South Sudan, Southern Blue Nile and Nuba Mountains must have all the freedom they need to help them make the correct choice in free conscience when the time will be right. We call on the Government of South Sudan to lead the people in having a thorough debate and sincere discussion on the pros and cons of self-determination.
There is greater need to foster the virtue of unity among the people of the Sudan in working for true peace. It is true to say that the CPA was achieved by the collective effort of every Sudanese inside or outside Sudan, including sympathisers and friends. We believe that it is our duty, and the duty of leaders of all parties, especially partners to the CPA, to pave the way and lead our people to the common destination of justice, peace, security and prosperity.
The presence of the LRA, the Ugandan rebels in Western Equatoria State in  South Sudan is disastrous in all aspects. The LRA continue to inflict untold atrocities to innocent people, for example: killings, abduction of children and women, rape, sexual enslavement, forced recruitment and large displacement of people. Why do these things continue to happen to our citizens without any effective intervention from the Government of South Sudan?
3.1.1.  Darfur and Eastern Sudan Crises
The reluctance of the government to address the Darfur and Eastern Sudan conflicts raises serious concerns in the minds of conscientious Sudanese citizens and tests the credibility of the government and armed groups. “Justice is both the aim and the intrinsic criterion of all politics.  Politics is more than a mere mechanism for defining the rules of public life:  its origin and its goal are found in justice, which by its very nature has to do with ethics.”  (Pope Benedict XVI, Deus Caritas Est, 2006, N. 28)
Today, in the wake of human rights abuse, the people of Darfur are faced with a humanitarian disaster of truly frightening proportions.   However, irrespective of where the balance of blame for the conflict lies, it is of the utmost importance that those, from whatever quarter, who have actively fomented the conflict and who are also guilty of human rights abuses must stop and bid for true peace.

3.2.  To all Sudanese citizens
We, your spiritual leaders, wish to address you, brothers and sisters, at this moment. Time is running out. We have a General Election in 2009 and a Referendum at the end of the Interim Period in 2011.  Your duty is to be informed and also be prepared about elections in order to be able to make the right choices. “Watch and pray that you may not fall into temptation.”  (Mt 26.41)

3.2.1.  Obligation for Genuine Elections
Elections are a time for debates, reflections and decisions about the leaders, policies, and values that will guide our nation. We urge our fellow citizens “to see beyond party politics, to analyze campaign rhetoric critically, and to choose your political leaders according to principles, not party affiliation or mere self-interest.”   We do not wish to instruct persons on how they should vote by endorsing or opposing candidates or parties. We hope that citizens will examine the position of parties and candidates on the full range of issues, as well as on their personal integrity and performance. We are convinced that a consistent ethic of life should be the moral guide from which to address issues in the political arena.
As we approach the elections of 2009 and the referendum in 2011, we face difficult challenges for our nation. Since the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement our nation has experienced many positive aspects and many distressing realities of a post-war nature. We have moved from managing through institutions to sharing budgets, resources and power.  As Sudanese citizens and believers we need to share our values, raise our voices, and use our votes to shape a society that protects human dignity, promotes family life, pursues social justice, and practices solidarity. These efforts can strengthen our nation and renew our faith.
Our nation has been wounded. The prolonged miserable suffering of our masses and what followed have taught us that no amount of military strength or economic progress can truly guarantee security, prosperity and stability in Sudan. The most important challenges we face are not simply political, economic, or technological, but also ethical, moral and spiritual.
Persons with high academic qualifications but lacking credible spiritual and moral values are dangerous to society. Presently, the election and referendum will test us as citizens. Politics cannot be merely about ideological differences conflict, the search for partisan advantage, or political contributions. Politics should be about fundamental moral choices. How do we protect human life and dignity? How do we fairly share the blessings and burdens of the challenges we face? What kind of nation do we want to be? What kind of country do we want to shape?
The duty to vote with a well-formed conscience is a civic right and obligation which should never be tampered with through manipulation, bribery or threats, either openly or secretly. The government must ensure that the right mechanisms for running a just and orderly elections are in place.

3.2.2.  Human Dignity
For peace to last, it must be based on respect for the dignity and the rights of every person. The parties involved in the implementation of the CPA have to continuously join their efforts to build a Sudan for all Sudanese. It includes the protection of the right to life and the right to religious freedom. Today much is said about human rights, but it is often forgotten that they require a stable, not a relative and doubtful basis. The foundation of human rights should not be “human agreements,” but rather “man’s own nature and his inalienable dignity as a person created by God.” (Gen 2:27)

3.2.3.  Family
God created human beings in His own image and likeness (Gen.2:27), calling them to existence through love, calling them at the same time for love. God is love and in Himself He lives a mystery of personal loving communion. Creating the human race in His own image and continually keeping it in being, God inscribed in the humanity of man and woman the vocation, and thus the capacity and responsibility, of love and communion. Love is therefore the fundamental and innate vocation of every human being.
The protracted civil war in the Sudan has undermined our traditional family values. As a result it has caused separation of many families, broken marriages, many street children, emerging of alien cultures contrary to our traditional cultural values, abuse of alcohol, HIV/AIDS pandemic, mental health issues, laziness, too much dependency on family bread winners, lack of parental love for children, disobedience of children to their parents, irresponsible life-style, emergence of youth gangs and many others.
Considering all these challenges in families, we therefore call upon parents to take their parental role seriously, in married life and in the education of their children. Marriage and family should be supported and strengthened, not undermined. The God-given institution of marriage is a life-long commitment between a man and a woman. The family is the foundation of social life. The laws enacted by the government for the welfare of families and the protection of children need to be enforced.

3.2.4.  Common Good and Private Property
The political community perceives the common good when it seeks to create a human environment that offers citizens the possibility of truly exercising their human rights. The principle of ‘common good’ has three main components: (1) Respect for persons; (2) social welfare and (3) peace and security. The State, therefore, has to respect the fundamental human rights of each person. Secondly, it is within the demands of the common good that the state provides, institutes and supports infrastructure that promotes the social welfare of every person.  This is indeed the real implementation character of the CPA.
As political leaders and representatives of the people, you yourselves can give an important and effective example in this field. Decisive in this perspective is the presence in the heart of each one of us of an intense awareness for the common good. The teaching of the Second Vatican Council in this matter is very clear: “the political community … exists for the common good: this is its full justification and meaning and the source of its specific and basic right to exist” (Gaudium Et Spes. 74).
The constitution of our country guarantees all citizens the right to own property without discrimination or hindrances. The lack of protection of private properties has caused conflicts within society; as has land grabbing, cattle rustling and forced displacement in the areas of oil fields.  The government has a moral obligation to ensure that private properties are respected and, if confiscated, the people need to be compensated.

3.2.5.  Call to Justice and Peace
We are called to the service of our fellow men and women through the promotion of Justice and Peace in the Sudan. As Sudanese it is therefore our duty and responsibility to speak out on social justice in public life. It is our moral conviction to share our experience in serving the poor and vulnerable and to participate in the reconstruction of our nation.
Every human person is created in the image and likeness of God. Therefore, each person’s life and dignity must be respected. We believe that people are more important than things. The measure of every institution is determined by how it protects and respects the life and dignity of the human person. As a recent Vatican statement points out, “The Church recognizes that while democracy is the best expression of the direct participation of citizens in political choices, it succeeds only to the extent that it is based on a correct understanding of the human person. Catholic involvement in political life cannot compromise on this principle.”  Non governmental organizations and Democracy Promotion “giving voice to the people” cfr Appendix II, democracy Survey P.42.   Pope Paul VI taught that “if you want peace, work for justice”. The Gospel calls us to be “peacemakers.”(Mt.5:9) Our love for all our brothers and sisters demands that we be “sentinels of peace” in a world wounded by violence and conflict.
It is unjust to have citizens going for months without salaries. The basic rights of workers, owners, and others must be respected. The right to productive work, to decent and fair wages must be respected. These rights must be exercised in ways that advance the common good.

3.2.6.  Change of Attitude
The way forward is basically one of a ‘change of attitude’. We must move beyond a short-term, crisis orientation towards developing our capacity to think about social change  in terms of decades. We must move beyond a hierarchical focus on politics towards the construction of an organic, broad-based approach that creates space for genuine responsibility, ownership, sharing of information and participation in the implementation and building of a culture of peace.  We must move beyond a narrow view of a letter by letter implementation of the CPA to a political transition towards the formation of a structure that will comprise the whole body politic.
The change of attitude from the culture of violence to the culture of peace, from idleness to the culture of work, remains a great challenge which needs to be addressed. We have many historical examples out there to help us appreciate our traditional value of hard work.  The tradition of Catholic Social Teaching has much to offer in these tough economic times. In the midst of the transformation of society during the Industrial Revolution, Pope Leo XIII gave us enduring principles to deal with “new things” in his prophetic encyclical Rerum Novarum, in which Leo XIII calls for some improvement in the ” misery of the wretchedness pressing so unjustly on the majority of the working class” He supported the rights of labour to form unions, rejected communism and unrestricted capitalism and affirmed the right to private property. Pope John Paul II and Pope Benedict XVI have made the cause of justice for workers their own, responding to the “new things” in economic life When Pope John Paul II issued his first “social encyclical,” Laborem Exercens, in 1981, he invited us to look at these issues from the perennial viewpoint of the value of human work which finds its intrinsic meaning in the dignity of the worker.

3.2.7.   Appeal for Reconciliation
Reconciliation implies a complete renewal for those who have received it, and it corresponds to justification (cf. Romans 5:9), to sanctification (cf. Colossians 1:21 f).  The Gospel of reconciliation can be seen to correspond to the Gospel of peace. God is the primary and principal author of reconciliation.  This is the reason for Saint Paul’s urgent appeal: “We implore you in Christ’s name: be reconciled to God! He has entrusted to us the message of reconciliation.” (2 Cor 5:20).
As messengers of peace and reconciliation, “we” cannot proclaim or bring about peace if peace does not reign within “us.”  The Gospel of reconciliation and peace, when it is interiorized, changes the impulses of aggression that cause us to increase conflicts; that cause us to believe that nonviolence is impractical; that cause us to think of war as a consequence that cannot be avoided.  Christian reconciliation in fact, transforms our inner orientation and overcomes our self-centeredness. It is not merely the elimination of a state of guilt but a transformation that is rooted in our love for Justice and Peace.
Reconciliation, as an inner peace-making, purifies us from the virus of violence. The Church proclaims, with the conviction of her faith in Christ and the awareness of her mission, “that violence is an evil, that violence as a solution to problems is unacceptable, that violence is unworthy of man. Violence is a lie, because it is contrary to the truth of our faith, to the truth of our humanity. Violence destroys what it claims to defend: the dignity, lives and freedom of human beings.”
The various initiatives of reconciliation taking place at different levels in our country should be encouraged to pave the way for a lasting peace.  Examples of these include North/ South dialogue, North-North dialogue, South-South dialogues, Race and Ethnicity, Ethnic groups or tribalism, Families, Churches with Churches, Inter-religious, Church, Neighbours and individuals.

3.2.8.  Duties and Obligations as Believers
The Sudan is blessed with excellent, talented, generous and religious people, and abundant resources. However, our potentialities do not reach far enough. Our culture sometimes does not lift us up but brings us too low. Our nation is wounded by violence, corruption, many evils, torn apart by conflict, and haunted by poverty.
For Christians, civic and political responsibilities are seen through the eyes of faith and our moral convictions are brought to public life. The Catholic Church in the Sudan is a community of faith,  and not a mere secular entity with purely social  and/or political interests. At this moment in time, we raise a series of questions, seeking to lift up the moral and human dimensions of the choices facing our citizens. How will we protect the weakest in our midst? How will our nation resist what Pope John Paul II calls a “culture of death”?  How can our society combat continuing prejudice, overcome tribalism and heal the wounds of racism, slavery, religious bigotry and other forms of discrimination?  How can our society defend or support families in their roles and responsibilities, offering them real choices and financial resources to obtain quality education and earn a decent living?
As believers, we are called to be a community of conscience within the larger society and to test public life by the values of Scripture and the principles of Catholic social teaching. Our responsibility is to measure all policies, candidates, parties, and platforms by how they protect or undermine the life, dignity, and rights of the human person and whether they protect the poor, vulnerable and advance the common good!
Act now! You can make a difference in the lives of people who struggle in the midst of poverty, disease, war and injustice. Pray. Learn, discern, Act. Speak out. Get involved as an individual, a family, a school, and a parish or faith community!
As Christians and Moslem intellectuals, youths and elders, make a direct, positive impact on the lives of our brothers and sisters in need of permanent peace. Get involved by:
”    Bearing witness to the poverty, conflict, injustice – and hope.
”    Engaging your campus, offices, responsibilities, etc, involved through education, action and prayer.
Speak out! Bring your faith to bear in the public square. Get involved to bring about changes that can uproot the causes of poverty, conflict and injustice.
We also appeal to Muslim spiritual leaders who believe in the Almighty God, the giver of peace to join hands, minds and hearts with us in the promotion of justice and peace in the Sudan. Such collective effort on behalf of true peace is a national duty for each and every citizen. We believe this is a beautiful description of one aspect of the task that confronts us, to be prophets of hope and peace for our world, because of our faith.  Because we believe in God we can, as servants of God, make the Sudan a better place.
Pope Benedict XVI speaks of religion reminding us of human finitude and weakness, and therefore enjoining us not to place our ultimate hope in this world.
The universality of human experience, which transcends all geographical boundaries and cultural limitations, makes it possible for followers of all religion(s) to engage in dialogue, so as to grapple with the mystery of life’s joy and suffering.  In this regard, the Church eagerly seeks opportunities to listen to the spiritual experience of other religions.  We could say that all religions aim to penetrate the profound meaning of human existence by linking it to an origin or principle outside itself.  Religions offer an attempt to understand the cosmos as coming from and returning to this origin or principle.

3.2.9.  Priests
Brothers in priesthood, the ordination rite reminds us, you are the first among the collaborators of the bishop in leadership and service. We implore you to take an active part in the living, teaching and dissemination of the message of this pastoral letter to all people of God close to you, using methods available to you.

3.2.10.  Religious in the consecrated life
Sisters and Brothers in the religious life, as consecrated persons, you are called to work for the advent of reconciliation, justice and peace by living your charisms and fully embracing the evangelical counsels in your own communities. In fact, through the witness of a life of service, the acceptance of diversity, forgiveness and reconciliation, you will be a “sign” and “instrument” in the world of the Kingdom to come.
The commitment to reconciliation, justice and peace is intrinsic to your vocation. As consecrated persons involved in the apostolate of the people of God in the Sudan, we urge you to seize the opportunity to use this pastoral letter more extensively, by spreading its content, ‘true peace’ in the Sudan. You ought to be in some way the living memory of the conviction that every Christian does not have “a stable, definitive city” on earth (cf. Heb 13:14), or better, that he does not belong to any tribe, race or people on earth.

3.2.11.  Catechists
The mission of the Church is about making disciples and helping people respond to the call of holiness by being part of a faith-filled, worshiping community struggling to be faithful to the Gospel.
We call on all of you our catechists to reach out to both committed Catholics and the people of other denomination to help them grow and develop their faith to be messengers of peace.  But we appeal to you to reach out also to fallen-away children of God to embark on wings of prayer, justice, reconciliation and peace in using this pastoral letter in all your daily catechesis and testimonies of life.

3.2.12.  To the International Community
It is equally important for the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD), together with IGAD friends and the International Community and those who collaborated fully in our collective efforts in achieving the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, to continue to pursue, and to honour their commitment to the full realization of a permanent peace in Sudan.
In this perspective, speaking at the U.N. General Assembly on the 50th anniversary of its foundation, Pope John Paul II recalled, “that there are universal human rights, rooted in the nature of the person, in which are reflected the objective requirements of a universal moral law”. And he added: “these are not abstract points; rather, these rights tell us something important about the actual life of every individual and of every social group. They also remind us that we do not live in an irrational or meaningless world. On the contrary, there is a moral logic which is built into human life and which makes possible dialogue between individuals and peoples”.
It is the duty of the international community to follow up on the General elections and the referendum. It is not enough to be a passive observer as Sudan prepares for these vital elections. We call for a monitored elections by a body proposed to the GoNU and GoSS by the International community. It is a duty for them to engage the two parties to accept monitored elections.
To the NGOs working in the Sudan, we appreciate the great and difficult humanitarian works you are doing to focus on the poverty. We believe also that you have a role to help the Sudanese people to build permanent peace. Another name for peace is development.  It affords us an opportunity to highlight how the NGOs and other international donor bodies,  in the aftermath of the CPA made key promises, but have yet to fulfill them. We urge you to:
”    ensure that aid is delivered in a predictable, responsible and transparent manner;
”    ensure that aid is not conditional on the buying of goods and services from donors;
”    ensure parliaments and citizens in the Sudan have a say in how aid is spent;
”    take steps to fight corruption, including: preventing tax havens being used to shelter the proceeds of corruption; and, prosecuting companies from developed countries that engage in corrupt practices in the Sudan.
It is high time we stopped backsliding on commitments, but rather to treat the overwhelming majority of the people of the world as fellow human beings in a shared estate that respects our common humanity.

4.  Call to Prayer!
We hope these reflections will contribute to a renewed political vitality in our land. We urge all Christians, our civil leaders, every citizen, to become more involved in public life, to protect human life and dignity, and to advance the common good.
We cannot compromise our basic values or teaching, but we should be open to different ways to advance them. As Sudanese, we have the duty to participate now and in the future, in the debates and choices of the values, vision, and leaders, that will guide our nation. This dual calling of faith and citizenship is at the heart of what it means to be a Christian in the Sudan.
This is an immense undertaking entrusted to people of good will. It is precisely that of establishing truth, justice, charity, liberty and new methods of relationships in human society.
We know and believe that the power of reason cannot resolve and achieve all these issues without personal intimacy with Christ which can only come through prayer. We therefore urge ourselves to be steadfast in fervent prayer which brings inner peace to us all.
Jesus sacrificed his life so that we could experience peace both now and forever. It is impossible to experience interior peace if we fail to pursue peace with God and peace with others. There will be no peace without justice; peace-building will have no success if it only concentrates on peace as an absence of war or on maintaining the status quo.  In making this assessment, we are aware that all parties  and each one of us, face serious issues, concerns, and dilemmas that need to be addressed and resolved.
In conclusion, we hope and pray that this message will find a place in your hearts. We implore our Mother  Mary, the Queen of Peace, St. Josephine Bakhita, model of reconciliation and St. Daniel Comboni, our father in faith, to intercede for us!
We end by sharing with you some thoughts from Holiness Pope Benedict XVI’s powerful encyclical Deus CaritasEst (God is Love):
Love of God and love of neighbor have become one: In the least of the brethren we find Jesus himself, and in Jesus we find God….Love for widows and orphans, prisoners, and the sick and needy of every kind is as essential to [the Church] as the ministry of the sacraments and preaching of the Gospel.
May God bless you all!
Given in Yambio, November 15, 2008, on the occasion of the 33rd Annual Plenary of the Sudan Catholic Bishops’ Conference.

Written by torit1955

December 17, 2008 at 8:02 pm

South Sudan passes long-awaited Anti-Corruption Bill, 2008

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South Sudan passes long-awaited Anti-Corruption Bill, 2008
By James Gatdet Dak

October 10, 2008 (JUBA) – The Government of Southern Sudan (GoSS)’ Council of Ministers has finally passed the long-awaited Anti-Corruption Bill, 2008, and upgraded the status of the Southern Sudan Anti-Corruption Commission’s chairperson to that of a GoSS Minister with the accompanying privileges and entitlements.

The Bill, which is the first of its kind in the semi-autonomous Government, would now be tabled before the parliament for endorsement and becomes the law that would legally guide the sensitive work of the Anti-Corruption Commission.

The Commission could not carry out investigations into alleged corrupt practices in the Government for the last three years since formation due to lack of enacted laws that would give it legal powers to do so.

Thousands of alleged corruption cases pending investigations have accumulated over the years, with more than 1,400 cases in the year 2008 alone, according to the Commission’s chairperson, Dr. Pauline Riak.

In the meeting chaired by the GoSS President, Salva Kiir Mayardit, the Council of Ministers also resolved to improve the security of the Commission’s Chairperson by providing more protection.

It also upgraded the status of the Deputy Chairperson to Undersecretary and all other President’s appointed members of the Commission to a uniformed status of Director-General of a GoSS Ministry.

The cabinet also passed the Human Rights Bill, 2008, both of which were presented to the Council by the GoSS Minister of Legal Affairs and Constitutional Development, Justice Michael Makuei Lueth.

The cabinet also upgraded the status of the Chairperson of the Southern Sudan Human Rights Commission to a full Minister.
President Kiir has declared zero-tolerance on corruption in his Government since the year 2006, and has been publicly warning against those who practice corruption in all its forms.

In his closing remarks during the 6th Governors Forum last week, Kiir said his Government’s hands were tied down because of lack of enacted laws on corruption.

If the Bill is enacted sooner into law by the Southern Sudan Legislative Assembly (SSLA), the law would equip the Commission with the necessary legal powers to chase and catch alleged corrupt officials for investigations and possible prosecutions.

Written by torit1955

October 12, 2008 at 1:08 pm

Sudan official undone by tight trouser crackdown

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Sudan official undone by tight trouser crackdown

Sat 11 Oct 2008, 9:45 GMT

JUBA, Sudan, Oct 11 (Reuters Life!) – A senior official in South Sudan who ordered a crackdown on young women wearing tight trousers has been sacked, officials said on Saturday.

Police arrested scores of women — many on their way home from church — in the capital Juba last week on charges of disturbing the peace. Officers said their choice of clothing proved they belonged to youth gangs.

Police acted after Juba county commissioner Albert Pitia Redentore banned any public display of gang behaviour that, he said, threatened traditional values.

A government statement said Redentore was removed form office by President Salva Kiir on Friday.

Gender minister Mary Kiden said the crackdown was unconstitutional and reminded her of the restrictions on women’s dress enforced in the Muslim north of the country.

South Sudan fought the north in a two-decade war that was partly fuelled by resistance to the north’s Islamic Sharia law.

(Reporting by Skye Wheeler; Editing by Andrew Heavens and Angus MacSwan)

Written by torit1955

October 12, 2008 at 11:33 am

Posted in Uncategorized

Poverty Reduction? A long Way to Go for Sudan

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By Alesio Clement Pwong

Poverty Reduction? A Long Way to Go for Sudan

By Alesio Clement Pwong

Poverty Reduction, a Long Way to Go for Sudan

struggle-with-poverty-in-south-sudan_18847
Apart from clashing with the simmering internal political tensions and pleasures contentious issues such as Dar Fur crisis, sharing of oil and non-oil revenues between Khartoum and the semi-autonomous Southern Sudan, prices of basic communities shot up to about 200%.

The government in its early days in 1989, had promised bring peace in the war-torn Sudan; reduce the growing gaps between the poor and rich; enlarge access to social services such as health care, education, water and shelter; and invest in developing agriculture and non-agricultural sectors is either unable to answer why prices of goods and services are no longer affordable, or are giving unsatisfactory answers.

Revenue from oil export has increased tremendously in the last 2-3 years, following the ending of the North-South war in January 2005; but this increase did not translate into any change in the budget priorities of the government in Khartoum, neither in the South which is struggling to recover from years of devastating wars. This year, the central government, otherwise known as Government of National Unity, set aside US $ billion as its 2008 budget, about 17 times more than 1989 budget allocated by the government it deposed that same year.

But the government of national unity did not change its priorities even after the signing of the peace deal three years ago. Budget allocations in the last three years followed the war time patterns. For instance this year, budget allocation was as follows: 78% for security,defense, police, and sovereignty sector i.e under the discretion of the president. This huge lump sum of public resources are not liable to public audit by the Auditor General.

17% went to meet the wage bill of all state institutions and social services; only 5% is set aside for dept repayments (Sudan is currently US$30.1 billion in dept).

Government of the semi-autonomous South Sudan followed the trend, in spite of its general policies which are hinged on the poverty reduction,sold to it by the World Bank which is now controlling policy development in the South through its resident officials in Juba, the capital of South Sudan.

Over the last three years, Government of South Sudan allocated about40% of its budget to its army, Sudan People’s Liberation Army. of the remaining 60%, up to 80% spent on salaries, wages and allowances of ever-bloated public service sector,the largest employer in South Sudan. The president of the autonomous region make civil service reform as his top agenda aimed at trimming that body and reducing public expenditure etc. But is very much likely this policy agenda shall be challenged by many interests and groups.

This trend in government priorities explains part of the causes of price hikes and worsening living conditions of the majority of Sudanese. Taxation and multiple levies exacted by the government is another cause. for example, Price of Sugar, a strategic commodity in Sudan, have gone down recently at Kenana Suger Co. the largest producing most of Sugar in Sudan. But the decline in the price of Sugar there did not lead to lowering of consumer price because taxes collected along the supply line increased the prices at the retail shops by 60%, consumer groups maintained recently. The same goes to wheat and other essential goods.

But official government line of reasoning attributes maddening price hikes of basic foodstuffs to international increase in the prices of these goods. But analyst believe there is more to this than meets the eye:

For the last three years, new class of entrepreneurs with strong clientelist links with the political power-holders in the system constitute the main cause. Through complex association, they managed to control state organs and all the banking systems including government owned, private or foreign as their source to enrich themselves fast. Methods and mechanisms illicit as they are, include: The establishment of companies targeting public resources through those banks. Some 20,000 companies, according to a 2007 Auditor General’s report, were not operational at all. Other companies are either not registered or just fictitious, aimed at fleecing pubic coffers with gross impunity. Accordingly, persons close to power but without established business credentials or links with business fraternity use loopholes in the government fiscal rules and regulations to rob the banks of billions of Sudanese pounds loaned from the banks.
The much lauded poverty reduction will hardly occur by 2015, the deadline specified in the MDG.

Written by torit1955

October 12, 2008 at 7:36 am

Huge Peace Rallies for Sudan Tomorow

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In light of an escalating crisis in Sudan, US based advocacy organization Voices for Sudan would like to inform you that there will be a rally in front of The White House.
On Sunday, December 20, 09 starting at 1:30 till 3:30 PM.
All peace loving Sudanese are urged to join us to gather along our American friends to support the March for justices, implementation of the CPA, and demand accountability for the ongoing atrocities in Darfur region.

For more information call White@ (202)276-0769
Gafar @ 571-331-2835 or Jimmy @(202)360-9324
lly for Peace, Justices, And Democratic Transformation in Sudan

Written by torit1955

December 19, 2009 at 9:51 am

ANALYSIS-Sudan’s Bashir vulnerable despite defiant front

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ANALYSIS-Sudan’s Bashir vulnerable despite defiant front

Wed Apr 1, 2009 7:39am EDT

By Andrew Heavens KHARTOUM, April 1 (Reuters)

Sudanese President Omar Hassan al-Bashir’s defiant response to international efforts to arrest him for war crimes in Darfur hides vulnerabilities that could embolden his enemies. On Wednesday, Bashir travelled to Saudi Arabia in another challenge to the arrest warrant issued against him by the International Criminal Court on March 4 over seven charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity. Bashir’s visits — he has now made five trips abroad in just over a week, showing the court’s inability to arrest him — have won expressions of support from Arab countries and a measure of public admiration back home. “If there was an election now, he would win it. The people admire a strong man and he has also managed to show himself as a victim of the West,” said Faizal Silaik, deputy editor of daily newspaper Ajras al-Huriya. Bashir has also closed down 16 aid groups accused of helping the court and addressed a string of nationalistic rallies. “All the Sudanese people have rallied around their leadership against these allegations,” Bashir himself was quoted as saying on state news agency Suna. But his stance has done nothing to resolve major issues that could eventually loosen his hold on power. Those include the festering conflict in Darfur, oil-dependent Sudan’s sinking economy, fears over a fragile peace deal between north and south Sudan, and relations with the United States and United Nations that have worsened since the aid expulsions. “He (Bashir) gives the appearance of a strong position. But that is more apparent than real,” said one Western diplomat in Khartoum. “The regime remains fragile. People are looking for weakness. If they see him falter they will throw him overboard.” DARFUR THREAT The most immediate challenge could come from Darfur itself. The rebel Justice and Equality Movement attacked Khartoum last year and has promised to return, threatening to arrest Bashir themselves if nobody acts to hand him over to the court. The rebels say their resolve will be sharpened if Bashir manages to remain at large. “It will show the only hope we have is through our guns,” JEM leader Khalil Ibrahim told Reuters by satellite phone. Sudan’s economy is another area of weakness. During the boom years of soaring oil prices, Bashir’s government was easily able to pay supporters, civil servants, soldiers and militias. But the collapse in the global oil price has emptied government coffers. “When the government stops giving them enough for their day to day life, will they stand with him? Surely not,” the vice president of Sudan’s opposition Umma party Fadlalla Burma Nasir told Reuters. The Umma party opposes the arrest warrant. It is still unclear which, if any, of Sudan’s political forces could stand up to Bashir and his power base in the Sudanese army. Opposition parties have weakened and splintered in the almost 20 years since Bashir seized power in a bloodless coup. The south’s Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) — in a coalition government with Bashir’s National Congress Party since a 2005 peace deal that ended two decades of north-south civil war — has so far stood by its political partner. But that could all change if Bashir shows signs of backing down on any parts of the fragile Comprehensive Peace Agreement, most importantly the highly-prized referendum on southern independence it promised in 2011. There are a host of other issues Bashir will have to face if he wants to keep the south stable and relatively on side — not least south Sudan’s own even deeper economic crisis, caused by the region’s near total dependency on oil revenues. INTERNAL CHALLENGE? Some Western diplomats and political analysts believe that a challenge from within Bashir’s own party is possible. Potential plotters could be spurred on by any sign of further sanctions from the U.N. Security Council, imposed over Sudan’s refusal to deal with the ICC or its aid expulsions. “He owns the aid problem now. If there is a cholera outbreak or a meningitis epidemic, it was the government that said it would take care of it,” said the Western diplomat. There is scope for the United Nations to expand sanctions against Sudan — its arms embargo currently only covers Darfur and it has the power to freeze the assets of Sudan’s political elite and restrict their travel. “That is the question — what are the Security Council’s next steps going to be, more sanctions?” said Hafiz Mohammed, Sudan programme coordinator for London-based campaign group Justice Africa. “Already some wise people are starting to come forward in Sudan saying this can not continue.” So far, there have been few signals from abroad to encourage internal plotters. U.S. President Barack Obama has yet to give details on how he will deal with Bashir’s regime. “Bashir is strong in the short term — maybe for the next six or seven months, maybe even a year. But in the long term we are all losers,” said one senior opposition figure. “If there is no change, if Bashir just goes on without settling the Darfur situation … then things are going to be very bad in Sudan.” (Additional reporting by Skye Wheeler in Juba; Editing by Matthew Tostevin)

Written by torit1955

April 2, 2009 at 8:23 am

Alex De Waal response by proxy on Darfur genocide question

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Alex De Waal response by proxy on Darfur genocide question
Friday 27 March 2009.

By Steve Paterno

March  26,  2009  — I wrote an article published in Sudan Tribune on March
23rd,  2009  entitled  “Alex De Waal and Darfur Genocide Question.” In the
article,  I  stated and explained that Dr. Alex De Waal, a foremost expert
and  scholar  on  Sudanese  affairs has, of recent, been dismissive of any
claim  of  genocide  committed  in  Darfur,  skeptical  of the strength of
evidence of genocide that can be presented in court, and adamantly opposed to  the  prosecutions of President Omar al-Bashir on the alleged crimes he committed  in  the ongoing conflict in Darfur. The article also points out to  De  Waal’s  relentless  attacks on the prosecutor of the International Criminal  Court (ICC) Luis Moreno-Ocampo, and it as well exposes De Waal’s drastic shift of position over a short period of time on the same subject.

In  what  seems  to  be a rather disguised reaction to my article, De Waal
made  a  very  weak  attempt  to refute some of the concerns I raised with
respect  to his position on the subject matter. His feeble effort surfaced
in  an  article  he  published, following my article, on his blog which he
later  forwarded  the  same  article  to  be  carried in Sudan Tribune the
subsequent  day with the title Genocide by force of habit? In his article,
De  Waal made endeavored to completely avoid any direct reference to me or my  article.  The closest he ever comes to making reference to me is where
<!–
D([“mb”,”\n\u0026nbsp;he \u0026nbsp;used \u0026nbsp;generic \u0026nbsp;pronounce such as “those” and “some.” Interestingly, he\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;instead \u0026nbsp;picked up on a likely target, Professor Eric Reeve who is similar\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;to him in some odd ways as his point of reference. He makes a reference of\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;Reeve’s \u0026nbsp;article written awhile ago, which pointed out that he has shifted\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;his position on the genocide question.\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;De \u0026nbsp;Waal \u0026nbsp;goes \u0026nbsp;in \u0026nbsp;his \u0026nbsp;article \u0026nbsp;to \u0026nbsp;charge that “those” pointing out his\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;drastic \u0026nbsp;shift \u0026nbsp;of \u0026nbsp;position \u0026nbsp;are “half-witted critics,” because though he\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;shifted \u0026nbsp;his \u0026nbsp;position, it is “a minor shift” that changes with facts. For\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;those \u0026nbsp;who \u0026nbsp;follow \u0026nbsp;De Waal’s shifting of position, the fear is that he is\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;trying \u0026nbsp;to \u0026nbsp;change \u0026nbsp;the \u0026nbsp;facts as he goes other than trying to allow facts\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;change \u0026nbsp;him. According to him, some of the facts, which make him shift his\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;position \u0026nbsp;include: \u0026nbsp;lack \u0026nbsp;of \u0026nbsp;evidence \u0026nbsp;on part of Khartoum regime for its\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;intention \u0026nbsp;to \u0026nbsp;commit genocide in Darfur; advice from lawyers who told him\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;not \u0026nbsp;to \u0026nbsp;use \u0026nbsp;the \u0026nbsp;term genocide when referring to atrocities committed in\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;Darfur; \u0026nbsp;the dropping down of mortality rate; the reduction of violence by\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;90%; and the bringing of humanitarian crisis under control.\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;Though \u0026nbsp;De \u0026nbsp;Waal \u0026nbsp;sought \u0026nbsp;to \u0026nbsp;address my article by proxies, I was in away\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;compelled \u0026nbsp;to respond to his article by posting my comments on his blog to\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;address \u0026nbsp;some \u0026nbsp;of \u0026nbsp;the \u0026nbsp;issues that he tried to refute. To my surprise, De\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;Waal decided to block my commentaries. He then wrote me privately, issuing\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;a \u0026nbsp;condition \u0026nbsp;that before he would post my commentaries, I “must apologize\u003cbr /\u003e”,1]
);

//–> he  used  generic  pronounce such as “those” and “some.” Interestingly, he
instead  picked up on a likely target, Professor Eric Reeve who is similar
to him in some odd ways as his point of reference. He makes a reference of
Reeve’s  article written a while ago, which pointed out that he has shifted
his position on the genocide question.

De  Waal  goes  in  his  article  to  charge that “those” pointing out his
drastic  shift  of  position  are “half-witted critics,” because though he
shifted  his  position, it is “a minor shift” that changes with facts. For
those  who  follow  De Waal’s shifting of position, the fear is that he is
trying  to  change  the  facts as he goes other than trying to allow facts
change  him. According to him, some of the facts, which make him shift his
position  include:  lack  of  evidence  on part of Khartoum regime for its
intention  to  commit genocide in Darfur; advice from lawyers who told him
not  to  use  the  term genocide when referring to atrocities committed in
Darfur;  the dropping down of mortality rate; the reduction of violence by
90%; and the bringing of humanitarian crisis under control.

Though  De  Waal  sought  to  address my article by proxies, I was in a way
compelled  to respond to his article by posting my comments on his blog to
address  some  of  the  issues that he tried to refute. To my surprise, De
Waal decided to block my commentaries. He then wrote me privately, issuing a  condition  that before he would post my commentaries, I “must apologize
<!–
D([“mb”,”\n\u0026nbsp;in \u0026nbsp;public” for alleging that he (De Waal) opposes the arrest of al-Bashir\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;and for questioning his motive for having alerted al-Bashir weeks prior to\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;prosecutor \u0026nbsp;of \u0026nbsp;ICC \u0026nbsp;officially \u0026nbsp;filing \u0026nbsp;for \u0026nbsp;the \u0026nbsp;arrest \u0026nbsp;warrant against\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;al-Bashir.\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;To \u0026nbsp;me, \u0026nbsp;it \u0026nbsp;was apparent that De Waal was attempting to blackmail me into\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;apologizing \u0026nbsp;to \u0026nbsp;him, \u0026nbsp;given \u0026nbsp;that \u0026nbsp;my \u0026nbsp;article \u0026nbsp;has \u0026nbsp;clearly impacted him\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;negatively. \u0026nbsp;It also became obvious that he was in away trying to suppress\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;my \u0026nbsp;freedom \u0026nbsp;of \u0026nbsp;expression \u0026nbsp;and limit my ability to exchange ideas by not\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;only \u0026nbsp;blocking \u0026nbsp;my commentaries, but also by threatening to deny me access\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;to \u0026nbsp;public \u0026nbsp;platform. \u0026nbsp;It \u0026nbsp;would \u0026nbsp;only \u0026nbsp;be \u0026nbsp;fair \u0026nbsp;if \u0026nbsp;he \u0026nbsp;would \u0026nbsp;allow \u0026nbsp;my\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;commentaries \u0026nbsp;to \u0026nbsp;be \u0026nbsp;posted \u0026nbsp;along \u0026nbsp;his \u0026nbsp;article, because his article was\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;attending \u0026nbsp;to \u0026nbsp;my \u0026nbsp;previous article by proxy. In addition, my commentaries\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;were \u0026nbsp;relevant \u0026nbsp;to \u0026nbsp;his \u0026nbsp;article. \u0026nbsp;But \u0026nbsp;instead, \u0026nbsp;De Waal chose the art of\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;blackmailing \u0026nbsp;and \u0026nbsp;power \u0026nbsp;of \u0026nbsp;suppression to deal away with me, though not\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;successful. So the concept of censorship is not only practiced in Khartoum\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;or by some dictators with big names. It seems to be all over.\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;Anyway, \u0026nbsp;on \u0026nbsp;my \u0026nbsp;part, \u0026nbsp;I \u0026nbsp;see \u0026nbsp;no \u0026nbsp;reason \u0026nbsp;to apologize to De Waal for my\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;article. \u0026nbsp;I \u0026nbsp;don’t \u0026nbsp;think \u0026nbsp;I can also be blackmailed or succumbed into any\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;threats. \u0026nbsp;And \u0026nbsp;I \u0026nbsp;am not in any way bound to have my freedom of expression\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;restricted \u0026nbsp;and \u0026nbsp;my \u0026nbsp;ability \u0026nbsp;to \u0026nbsp;exchange \u0026nbsp;ideas get limited by those who\u003cbr /\u003e”,1] in  public” for alleging that he (De Waal) opposes the arrest of al-Bashir
and for questioning his motive for having alerted al-Bashir weeks prior to
prosecutor  of  ICC  officially  filing  for  the  arrest  warrant against
al-Bashir.

To  me,  it  was apparent that De Waal was attempting to blackmail me into
apologizing  to  him,  given  that  my  article  has  clearly impacted him
negatively.  It also became obvious that he was in a way trying to suppress
my  freedom  of  expression  and limit my ability to exchange ideas by not
only  blocking  my commentaries, but also by threatening to deny me access to  public  platform.  It  would  only  be  fair  if  he  would  allow  my
commentaries  to  be  posted  along  his  article, because his article was
attending  to  my  previous article by proxy. In addition, my commentaries
were  relevant  to  his  article.  But  instead,  De Waal chose the art of
blackmailing  and  power  of  suppression to deal away with me, though not
successful. So the concept of censorship is not only practiced in Khartoum
or by some dictators with big names. It seems to be all over.

Anyway,  on  my  part,  I  see  no  reason  to apologize to De Waal for my
article.  I  don’t  think  I can also be blackmailed or succumbed into any
threats.  And  I  am not in any way bound to have my freedom of expression
restricted  and  my  ability  to  exchange  ideas get limited by those who
<!–
D([“mb”,”\n\u0026nbsp;falsely \u0026nbsp;think \u0026nbsp;they \u0026nbsp;have monopoly of thoughts. I have not made any false\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;allegations \u0026nbsp;against \u0026nbsp;De \u0026nbsp;Waal, \u0026nbsp;but \u0026nbsp;my \u0026nbsp;points are all supported by hard\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;facts—the \u0026nbsp;facts, which mostly originated from De Waal’s own writings. For\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;example, \u0026nbsp;on \u0026nbsp;a \u0026nbsp;notion \u0026nbsp;that De Waal opposes the arrest of President Omar\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;al-Bashir, \u0026nbsp;in \u0026nbsp;an \u0026nbsp;Op-Ed \u0026nbsp;for \u0026nbsp;Washington Post, even weeks before the ICC\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;Prosecutor \u0026nbsp;Ocampo \u0026nbsp;could \u0026nbsp;file \u0026nbsp;a \u0026nbsp;request for the arrest warrant against\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;al-Bashir, \u0026nbsp;De \u0026nbsp;Waal \u0026nbsp;warned \u0026nbsp;that \u0026nbsp;bringing \u0026nbsp;charges “against the highest\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;echelons \u0026nbsp;of \u0026nbsp;government” in Khartoum is a terrible gamble. (This was when\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;De Waal had already a tip-off on the possibility of imminent charges being\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;leveled \u0026nbsp;against al-Bashir where in turn he alerted al-Bashir of it). Ever\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;since \u0026nbsp;then, De Waal continued to argue against the arrest warrant against\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;al-Bashir. \u0026nbsp;Just \u0026nbsp;months \u0026nbsp;prior \u0026nbsp;to \u0026nbsp;the \u0026nbsp;ICC \u0026nbsp;Pretrial Chamber making the\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;rulings \u0026nbsp;against \u0026nbsp;al-Bashir, \u0026nbsp;De \u0026nbsp;Waal \u0026nbsp;went \u0026nbsp;on \u0026nbsp;to \u0026nbsp;critique \u0026nbsp;the public\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;application \u0026nbsp;by \u0026nbsp;the \u0026nbsp;chief \u0026nbsp;prosecutor \u0026nbsp;of \u0026nbsp;the ICC for an arrest warrant\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;against al-Bashir where De Waal recommended that there should never be any\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;charges \u0026nbsp;“brought \u0026nbsp;against \u0026nbsp;the \u0026nbsp;Sudanese \u0026nbsp;President.” He urged the United\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;Nation \u0026nbsp;Security Council to invoke article 16 for “unconditional” deferral\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;of \u0026nbsp;al-Bashir \u0026nbsp;arrest \u0026nbsp;warrant. \u0026nbsp;The \u0026nbsp;facts that De Waal is opposed to the\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;arrest \u0026nbsp;of \u0026nbsp;al-Bashir \u0026nbsp;are \u0026nbsp;very \u0026nbsp;clear \u0026nbsp;and \u0026nbsp;can be inferred from all his\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;writings, \u0026nbsp;even way before the application of arrest warrant for al-Bashir\u003cbr /\u003e”,1]
);

//–> falsely  think  they  have monopoly of thoughts. I have not made any false
allegations  against  De  Waal,  but  my  points are all supported by hard
facts—the  facts, which mostly originated from De Waal’s own writings. For
example,  on  a  notion  that De Waal opposes the arrest of President Omar
al-Bashir,  in  an  Op-Ed  for  Washington Post, even weeks before the ICC
Prosecutor  Ocampo  could  file  a  request for the arrest warrant against
al-Bashir,  De  Waal  warned  that  bringing  charges “against the highest
echelons  of  government” in Khartoum is a terrible gamble. (This was when
De Waal had already a tip-off on the possibility of imminent charges being
leveled  against al-Bashir where in turn he alerted al-Bashir of it). Ever
since  then, De Waal continued to argue against the arrest warrant against
al-Bashir.  Just  months  prior  to  the  ICC  Pretrial Chamber making the
rulings  against  al-Bashir,  De  Waal  went  on  to  critique  the public
application  by  the  chief  prosecutor  of  the ICC for an arrest warrant
against al-Bashir where De Waal recommended that there should never be any charges  “brought  against  the  Sudanese  President.” He urged the United Nation  Security Council to invoke article 16 for “unconditional” deferral of  al-Bashir  arrest  warrant.  The  facts that De Waal is opposed to the arrest  of  al-Bashir  are  very  clear  and  can be inferred from all his
writings,  even way before the application of arrest warrant for al-Bashir
<!–
D([“mb”,”\n\u0026nbsp;was \u0026nbsp;filed \u0026nbsp;as \u0026nbsp;demonstrated \u0026nbsp;in the examples above. De Waal is a featured\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;celebrity \u0026nbsp;of \u0026nbsp;pro Khartoum regime Sudan Media Center, where his arguments\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;in \u0026nbsp;opposition \u0026nbsp;of \u0026nbsp;ICC \u0026nbsp;are echoed in that platform over and over for the\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;amazement of the regime in Khartoum and its supporters.\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;As \u0026nbsp;for De Waal complaints for being questioned on his motive for alerting\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;al-Bashir \u0026nbsp;prior \u0026nbsp;to \u0026nbsp;the \u0026nbsp;ICC \u0026nbsp;prosecutor \u0026nbsp;filing the application for the\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;arrest \u0026nbsp;warrant, \u0026nbsp;it \u0026nbsp;is \u0026nbsp;up to De Waal to explain his motives and for the\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;general public to interpret or even speculate on those motives.\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;Well, \u0026nbsp;the \u0026nbsp;last \u0026nbsp;time \u0026nbsp;I \u0026nbsp;checked \u0026nbsp;De \u0026nbsp;Waal’s \u0026nbsp;blog, Eric Reeve, the lone\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;respondent \u0026nbsp;whom \u0026nbsp;De Waal picked-on and allowed to comment on his article,\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;is \u0026nbsp;being \u0026nbsp;pounded \u0026nbsp;by \u0026nbsp;the \u0026nbsp;supporters \u0026nbsp;of \u0026nbsp;the regime in Khartoum. Those\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;supporters \u0026nbsp; of \u0026nbsp; the \u0026nbsp;regime \u0026nbsp;in \u0026nbsp;Khartoum \u0026nbsp;are \u0026nbsp;allowed \u0026nbsp;to \u0026nbsp;post \u0026nbsp;their\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;commentaries \u0026nbsp;at \u0026nbsp;the expense of those who disagree with De Waal. The most\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;shocking twist of events is that De Waal had no choice, but to forward his\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;article \u0026nbsp;to \u0026nbsp;be \u0026nbsp;published \u0026nbsp;in \u0026nbsp;Sudan Tribune as a counteraction to my own\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;article. \u0026nbsp;I hope this is not “counteraction on the cheap.” This is ironic,\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;because \u0026nbsp;De \u0026nbsp;Waal \u0026nbsp;could \u0026nbsp;privately threaten to deny me access to a public\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;platform \u0026nbsp;he controls while he would sneak around to go after me in search\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;of \u0026nbsp;another \u0026nbsp;public platform that I thrive on. After all, De Waal does not\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;control \u0026nbsp;public \u0026nbsp;platform at least that is what he found out. Now with his\u003cbr /\u003e”,1]
);

//–> was  filed  as  demonstrated  in the examples above. De Waal is a featured
celebrity  of  pro Khartoum regime Sudan Media Center, where his arguments in  opposition  of  ICC  are echoed in that platform over and over for the amazement of the regime in Khartoum and its supporters.

As  for De Waal complaints for being questioned on his motive for alerting
al-Bashir  prior  to  the  ICC  prosecutor  filing the application for the
arrest  warrant,  it  is  up to De Waal to explain his motives and for the
general public to interpret or even speculate on those motives.

Well,  the  last  time  I  checked  De  Waal’s  blog, Eric Reeve, the lone
respondent  whom  De Waal picked-on and allowed to comment on his article, is  being  pounded  by  the  supporters  of  the regime in Khartoum. Those supporters   of   the  regime  in  Khartoum  are  allowed  to  post  their
commentaries  at  the expense of those who disagree with De Waal. The most
shocking twist of events is that De Waal had no choice, but to forward his
article  to  be  published  in  Sudan Tribune as a counteraction to my own
article.  I hope this is not “counteraction on the cheap.” This is ironic,
because  De  Waal  could  privately threaten to deny me access to a public
platform  he controls while he would sneak around to go after me in search
of  another  public platform that I thrive on. After all, De Waal does not
control  public  platform at least that is what he found out. Now with his
<!–
D([“mb”,”\n\u0026nbsp;article, \u0026nbsp;which \u0026nbsp;he \u0026nbsp;denied \u0026nbsp;me \u0026nbsp;to \u0026nbsp;comment on already published in Sudan\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;Tribune, \u0026nbsp;I am in a liberty to comment on it as much as I want, but out of\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;respect, \u0026nbsp;I am not going to. I leave it for those who agree with him to do\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;the commentaries.\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;If there is any lesson learned, it will be that my article affects De Waal\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;negatively and exposes his contradicting positions on the ongoing conflict\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;in \u0026nbsp;Darfur, \u0026nbsp;though \u0026nbsp;it \u0026nbsp;is difficult for him to openly admit the obvious.\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;Another \u0026nbsp;lesson \u0026nbsp;learn \u0026nbsp;is \u0026nbsp;that \u0026nbsp;knowledge \u0026nbsp;is \u0026nbsp;independent of any single\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;individual \u0026nbsp;regardless of their race, region, class or what have you—there\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;is \u0026nbsp;no one in charge of monopolizing knowledge—no matter how many times he\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;or \u0026nbsp;she \u0026nbsp;is called “expert.” The search for truth, which is independent of\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;any individual human being or a race, is left to all. The good thing about\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;the truth is that it will always prevail in the end and set one free. With\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u0026nbsp;that, this must be the lesson of today.\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u003cbr /\u003e\nCopyright © 2003-2008 SudanTribune – All rights reserved.\u003cbr /\u003e\n–~–~———~–~—-~——\u003cwbr /\u003e——~——-~–~—-~\u003cbr /\u003e\nYou received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups \u0026quot;JFD info\u0026quot; group.\u003cbr /\u003e\nTo post to this group, send email to \u003ca onclick\u003d\”return top.js.OpenExtLink(window,event,this)\” href\u003d\”mailto:jfdinfo@googlegroups.com\”\u003ejfdinfo@googlegroups.com\u003c/a\u003e\u003cbr /\u003e\nTo unsubscribe from this group, send email to \u003ca onclick\u003d\”return top.js.OpenExtLink(window,event,this)\” href\u003d\”mailto:jfdinfo%2Bunsubscribe@googlegroups.com\”\u003ejfdinfo+unsubscribe@\u003cwbr /\u003egooglegroups.com\u003c/a\u003e\u003cbr /\u003e\nFor more options, visit this group at \u003ca onclick\u003d\”return top.js.OpenExtLink(window,event,this)\” href\u003d\”http://groups.google.com/group/jfdinfo?hl\u003den\” target\u003d_blank\u003ehttp://groups.google.com/\u003cwbr /\u003egroup/jfdinfo?hl\u003den\u003c/a\u003e\u003cbr /\u003e\n-~———-~—-~—-~—-~–\u003cwbr /\u003e—-~—-~——~–~—\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u003cbr /\u003e\n\u003c/div\u003e”,0]
);

//–> article,  which  he  denied  me  to  comment on already published in Sudan
Tribune,  I am in a liberty to comment on it as much as I want, but out of
respect,  I am not going to. I leave it for those who agree with him to do
the commentaries.

If there is any lesson learned, it will be that my article affects De Waal
negatively and exposes his contradicting positions on the ongoing conflict
in  Darfur,  though  it  is difficult for him to openly admit the obvious.
Another  lesson  learn  is  that  knowledge  is  independent of any single
individual  regardless of their race, region, class or what have you—there
is  no one in charge of monopolizing knowledge—no matter how many times he or  she  is called “expert.” The search for truth, which is independent of
any individual human being or a race, is left to all. The good thing about
the truth is that it will always prevail in the end and set one free. With
that, this must be the lesson of today.

Written by torit1955

March 27, 2009 at 8:43 am

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